주어 인상 구문과 예외적인 격 표시 구문에 대한 벼교언어학적 고찰

엄홍준(Um, Hong-Joon),김용하(Yong-Ha Kim) 한국언어학회 2009 언어 Vol.34 No.3

This paper examines the Subject Raising and Exceptional Case Marking Constructions in English, Turkish and Korean. The Subject Raising in English is possible if the complement clause is non-finite, whereas it is impossible if the complement clause is finite. In Turkish, Dialect A shows the properties similar to those of English. on the other hand, in the case of Dialect B the Subject Raising is possible in both finite and non-finite clauses. When NP (Noun Phrase) is raised or moves, it leaves trace which is called NP-trace. While in the raising in non-finite clause, the trace can be treated as NP-trace normally, in the raising in finite clause, the trace can not be treated as NP- trace because the trace is placed in the position in which the case is licensed. In oder to solve the problem mentioned the above, Moore (1998) adopts the Copy-Raising Analysis under which A-chain can include (silent) pronominal as its tail. Since there is no non-finite clause in the Subject Raising Constructions in Korean, unlike in English and Turkish, it follows that A-Move occurs only in the finite clause. While in the case of the finite clause, most of the native speaker do not allow the Subject Raising, some of the speakers do allow it. The latter case is much the same as the one of Dialect B in Turkish. The fact that the subject is raised or moves in the finite clause means that the case-licensed element is raised or moves. Accordingly the empty category can not be NP-trace in this subject position but be (silent) pronominal as in Turkish. Besides, it is observed that the phenomenon similar to the one in the Raising Construction is discovered in the Exceptional Cases Marking Construction. The difference is that in the former the subject in the complement clause is raised to the subject position in the matrix sentence, whereas in the latter the subject in the complement clause is raised to the object position in matrix sentence. Under such an analysis, Raising or Move violates Chain Condition which requires the tail of A-chain is the single theta-position while the head is the single Case-marked position. In order to overcome this difficulty we adopt Revised Chain Condition which permits the tale of A-chain to have Case and theta-role at the same time. The remaining potential problem is about Resumptive Pronoun Strategy used in A" -Move. We demonstrate that the strategy can be and is being used in A-Move cross-linguistically.

심층대용현상과 pro

엄홍준(Um, Hong-Joon) 중앙어문학회 2013 語文論集 Vol.54 No.-

This paper is mainly concerned with the status of the null object constructions (NOC) in Korean. According to Bae & Kim (2012), the NOCs, since they have strict and sloppy readings regardless of the bound nouns’ properties, are deep anaphoric. On the other hand, Korean ya construction, a kind of ellipsis constructions, is sur- face anaphoric since they have strict and sloppy especially when the bound noun has the property [+β]. As a result, the pro analysis, not ellipsis analysis, is claimed to be valid for revealing the status of the NOCs. However, in this paper we point out the problems of Bae & Kim’s (2012) analysis. NOCs have different properties from other deep anaphora such as ‘kulaysse’ (do it) and, therefore, does not have to be considered deep anaphoric. Finally, we argue that in the two analyses, pro analysis and ellipsis analysis, the problems remain the same as Um (2012, 2013)’s pointing out, supposing that the NOCs are deep anaphoric.

표찰 알고리듬에 의한 한국어 주어위치

엄홍준(Um, Hong-Joon) 중앙어문학회 2023 語文論集 Vol.94 No.-

한국어 영논항 구문에 대한 pro 분석

엄홍준(Hong Joon Um) 현대문법학회 2014 현대문법연구 Vol.78 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to look into pro analysis in which null argument is identified as zero pronoun (namely, pro) for the Korean null argument constructions. It has been argued that the pro analysis is superior to the ellipsis analysis in which null argument is identified as empty NP. However, this paper points out that there still seem to be potential problems with the pro analysis. It is proven that the validity of continuation test which is provided as a test for the pro analysis is questionable in respects of theory and empiricism. Furthermore, it is shown in this paper that while under the pro analysis only sloppy like identity interpretation is yielded out in the Korean null argument constructions, in fact genuine sloppy identity interpretation is yielded out in them. This means that the ellipsis analysis must be still useful even though the pro analysis is more pervasive in explaining the Korean null argument constructions.

한국어에서의 영논항의 본질

엄홍준(Hong-Joon Um) 현대문법학회 2011 현대문법연구 Vol.63 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to reconfirm that the null arguments (the null subject and null object) in Korean should be identified as empty NPs, not as pro under Kim s (1991) argument ellipsis analysis, not under Huang s (1984, 1987) null-topic variable analysis, Otani and Whitman s (1991) VP ellipsis Analysis, and Moon s (2010) pro analysis. To begin with, the merits and drawbacks of the three analyses except Kim s analysis are examined: especially we focus on Moon s analysis because she claims that the null arguments should be identified as pro in Korean unlike the argument in the analysis we adopt. According to the argument ellipsis analysis we take, the null NPs in the object position must be empty NPs with no featural content. Using the analysis, we attempts to solve the problems we find in the three analyses. Furthermore, in this paper we apply Kim s analysis to the null NPs in the subject position and argue that they, too, should be treated as empty NPs because the property of these NPs is the same as that of the NPs the object position in that they can allow sloppy identity readings and strict identity readings. As a result, we reached that the null arguments in Korean must be empty NPs, contra Moon s analysis.

사동구문과 피동구문에서의 운율구조와 통사구조의 상호작용

엄홍준(Hong-Joon Um) 현대문법학회 2021 현대문법연구 Vol.110 No.-

The purpose of the paper is to conduct perception tests on the homomorphic causative/passive verb constructions in the dialect of the northern Gyeongsang province, to identify the perceptual cues that speakers of the dialect differentiate the two constructions and to reveal the relationship between syntax and phonology (prosody). In case of having syntactic markers and of ignoring the prosody in the constructions, the acceptability of the provided sentences was quite high. However, in the other cases the acceptability was low. On the other hand, having no the syntactic makers in the constructions, it can be seen that the prosody dominates the syntax. This can be interpreted in two ways in this paper. There are cases where the prosodic information ignores the syntactic information and it determines the syntactic structure by itself. The other is the cases where the prosody is determined based on the syntactic information and, reversely, it determines the syntax again. The result, in this paper, is closer to the latter. The experiment on the case where the prosody can independently detemines the syntax will be dealt with in the subsequent paper.

한국어에서의 형태 사동 구문에 대한 통사 구조:

엄홍준(Hong Joon Um) 현대문법학회 2016 현대문법연구 Vol.87 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to confirm that the syntactic structures of morphological causative constructions should be derived by considering the properties of the verb bases such as the transitive verb bases and the intransitive verb bases according to Son (2006). This means that the causee in the constructions may be an agent, depending on the verb base types mentioned above. On the contrary, it is claimed that the causee in the constructions cannot be an agent in Kim (2010) and Park (2012a, b) because the causee cannot be compatible with an agent-oriented adverb like ilpule (on purpose). In this paper, I give some pieces of evidence for Son’s (2006) argument and further show that the causee could be matched with an adverb like hayekum (make) which has the function that makes the noun just before it become the agent of the caused event in the causative constructions. Finally, it is proposed that the syntactic structures of morphological causative constructions should be subdivided on the basis of the context as well as the verb base types.

한국어에서의 장형 사동 구문에 대한 통사 구조

엄홍준(Hong Joon Um) 현대문법학회 2017 현대문법연구 Vol.92 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to show that the syntactic structures of long-from causative constructions should be derived within the same clause projected by ‘-ke ha-.’ The previous studies suggest that the syntactic structures of long-from causative constructions be divided into two types: one is that the causees are positioned in the main clause and the other is that the causees are positioned in the embedded clause. However, in this paper it is pointed out that there are some problems with the studies and the causees in the constructions should be placed in the embedded clause.

일치, 격 그리고 국면

엄홍준(Um Hong-joon) 중앙어문학회 2008 語文論集 Vol.39 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to show that Korean Case-licensing System can be more clearly explained by phase. In order to prove that Case can be licensed by phase in Korean, it is important to determine what the nominative case licensor is. In this paper, following Kim (2005), we assume that a complex of inflectional elements may license nominative Case in Korean, and ,without any objection, transitive verbs may license accusative Case. However, there arise some problems in languages like Korean because Case can be realized multiply. We adopt Covert Multiple Agree proposed by Hiraiwa (2001), in order to solve the problems mentioned the above. Unfortunately, we also find that there are some problems with his analysis. As a solution to the problems, we propose Case-licensing by phase: within CP phase nominative Case is licensed because nominative Case licensor, a complex of inflectional elements, is located within the phase and within v*P phase accusative Case is licensed because accusative Case licensor, v, is located within the phase. Under such an assumption, we also propose that Korean Case be licensed in two ways. One is by operation Agree by which φ-features of probe and goal are checked and Case feature is checked as a reflex of the φ-features. The other is by phase. Since elements which have no φ-features can not enter into operation Agree and, consequently, can not be licensed by Agree, their Cases are claimed to be licensed by another operation, namely, by phase: if an element is within CP phase, nominative Case would be license, since the phase is the domain of nominative Case. On the other hand, if an element is within v*P phase, accusative Case would be licensed since the phase is the domain of accusative Case.

구조격 조사도 핵인가 -임동훈(1991, 2008)을 중심으로-

엄홍준 ( Hong Joon Um ) 시학과 언어학회 2010 시학과 언어학 Vol.19 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to examine whether the structural case markers can be heads. According to Lim (1991, 2008), these case markers are divided into the semantic case markers, inherent case markers, and structural case markers among which the last two have important roles in Korean case system. He argues that these two case markers can be heads because they are selected by their predicates. However, since such his claim is made with focus on the inherent case markers, a question arises immediately: Can the structural case markers also be Heads? His argument that the structural case markers can be Heads is as follows. First, the structural case markers have effects on the morpho-syntactic features of the preceding noun phrases, that is, they can select their arguments. second, the structural case markers are essential elements in the sentences. In this paper, contra Lim (1991, 2008), we prove that the structural case markers, unlike the inherent case markers, have no effects on the morpho-syntactic features of the preceding noun phrases and they can be omitted in the sentences. As a result, it is shown that the structural case markers can not be heads.