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      • 自我槪念형성에 미치는 敎師의 영향

        송인섭 숙명여자대학교 사회·교육과학연구소 2002 사회 교육과학연구 Vol.5 No.2

        Children bearing first names judged desirable by teachers tend to have more positive self concepts (Garwood, 1976). First names were also found to lead to (lifferem teacher expectations so that name stereotyping plays some role in the classroom. Other studies by Parlady (969) and Rubovits and Maehr (973) confirm the expectancy effect. Coopersmith's (967) study also showed that parents who expected their children to live up to the standards they established were more likely to encourage healthy self esteem in their offspring than parents who did not have these expectations. From the work of Shaw and Dutton (962) it would appear that parents of under-achieving children have more strongly negative attitudes towards their children than do the parents of achieving youngsters. However, the study docs not reveal definitely whether these attitudes arc one of the results of under-achievement, or one of its cause. From a logical point of view, it is easier to build a case for such attitudes as casual rather than resultant factors. This finding was particularly marked for boys. Thus, many under-achievers start school under a handicap and simply justify their parents' expectations. The strong grip of constant demeaning squeezes out the last drops of self confidence and worth. Expectations represent a belief in the pupils' competency and ability. When established at reasonable levels they provide a vote of confidence out of which positive self esteem can grow. Teachers apparently tend to interact more positively and favorably with 'brighter' children, and the latter respond by being more effective pupils, thus confirming the teachers' expectations. Pupils reputations arc notorious for being passed on from one teacher to another, increasingly determining the child's performance for good or bad. 'Watch him, don't turn your back on him, he's up to all sorts of tricks', to 'He's a hard worker, you'll always get good worker from him', are typical of the staftroom comments heard in every school. Non-verbal communication by facial expression, tone of voice and gaze direction also communication expectations. Considerable research indicates, too, that children will work harder at tasks and are thereby more likely to achieve a positive self-concept if they believe that they, rather than chance or the teacher, are responsible for the successes they achieve (Rotter, 1966). In fact, a large-scale national survey indicated that a pupil's belief is his control over his destiny was more important to achievement than any other school factors measured, such as facilities, teachers and curriculum (Coleman, 1966). This concept of external locus of control was briefly noted in Chapter 8, section F(a) The three conditions which facilitate the high self esteem in the home environment (Ch.7). These three are: 1. The teacher's acceptance of the child, while at the same time recognizing the child's strengths, problems and limitations. By accepting the child the teacher indicates that the child is worthy of the teacher's attention and respect. This respect enables the child to come to terms with his abilities and limitations. 2. The existence of explicit limits, clearly defined and consistently enforced, which provide standards of conduct and behavioral expectations. 3. The provision of respectful treatment which is given to pupils who observe limits and act in accordance with rules and guidelines of the classroom. As we shall see later in this chapter, the ability of the teacher to provide these conditioning depends quite markedly on the teacher himself possessing a positive self-concept. This allows him to function in a competent confident way able to accept all pupils as individuals in a supportive environment providing clear and realistic expectations at an individual level. Another line of attack to improve pupil self-concept is by direct counselling, which in reality provides the same sort of conditions noted above, i.e. acceptance, respect, limits in a supportive rriilieu, but undertaken in a more sophisticated and planned way. 교사와 학생의 만남은 교사의 일반적 조망과 生의 철학에 의해서 교사에게 침투된다. 교사의 자신과 타인을 향한 태도는 교실 내에서의 대인관계 행동과 수업형태에 중요한 영향을 미친다. 긍정적 자아개념과 타인에 대한 긍정적 개념은 상관이 있다. 긍정적 자아개념은 타인과 친애적이고, 지지적인 관계형성을 촉진한다. 학생들이 그들을 향한 교사의 느낌을 정확히 평가할 수 있고, 교사를 친애적으로 평가한 학생들은 긍정적 자아개념을 형성한 학생들임을 증명하였다. 교사의 언어사용이 학생의 자아개념을 고양시킬 수 있음을 나타냈다. 敎授實際에서 높은 점수를 기록한 교사는 낮은 점수를 기록한 교사보다 자아개념이 현저히 높다. 敎授에서의 성공은 긍정적 자아개념, 자신감, 적응과 확실히 밀접한 관계가 있다.

      • KCI등재

        직업인성검사에 대한 신뢰도 추정에 관한 연구

        송인섭 한국교육평가학회 2003 교육평가연구 Vol.16 No.2

        본 연구는 일반화가능도 접근의 다양한 경쟁모형을 직업인성인성검사(송인섭등,1997)에 적용해 봄으로써 직업인성검사의 경험적 타당성을 시도하고, 경쟁모형중 가장 적합한 분석모형을 통해 선정하고, 이를 D연구에 적용하고 자 한다. 본 연구에서는 경쟁모형 중 p x (i : h) 설계가 가장 적합한 모형으로 검증 되였으며, 그 결과를 토대로 p x(I : H)의 D연구를 수행한 결과, 직업인성검사는 영역수와 문항수를 현재보다 적게 하는 경우에도 충분히 신뢰로운 검사가 될 수 있다는 결론을 얻었다 이러한 결과는 현재의 검사가 다소 경제성이 떨어지는 경향이 있음을 시사하고 있다 본 연구는 이같은 결과를 근거로 하여 현재 사용 중인 검사를 재구성 하는데 필요한 정보를 제공 하고 있다는 의미에서 측정학적 의미와 실제적 가치를 갖고 있다. The purpose of the research consists of two parts: the one is verifying an experimental validity of generalizability theory by applying G study, which accepts various designs of the generalizability theory as competing models, to personality test in the Composite Vocational Aptitude Test, and the other is finding the optimum condition of the generalizability coefficient, The results were as follows: First, among four analysis designs-p x i, p x (i : h), p x i x h*, (p : g) x (i : h)- the design, p x (i : h), is found to be the most suitable model for the analysis of the test when the ratio of error variance and universe score variance become the basis of the comparison. Secondly, with the most suitable design, p x (i : h), D study was performed for two cases: the same. structure as G study and the different structure than G study, As the results of D study. even though the number of test fields and the number of questions were reduced, the reliable results could be obtained. Therefore, it is presumed that the economical efficiency of present test went down. Finally, generalizability coefficients obtained from D study were analyzed and compared with reliability coefficients of rhe classical test theory. The generalizability theory can analyze errors that appear during the measurement, and consider relative errors and absolute errors, at the same time. Therefore, it is ascertained that the generalizability theory is a more powerful tool than the clssical test theory.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        韓國女學生의 意識에 관한 硏究 : 재수생·재학생 비교를 중심으로

        송인섭 淑明女子大學校 亞細亞女性問題硏究所 1991 아시아여성연구 Vol.30 No.-

        The purpose of the present study was to investigate the effect of college entrance test on adolescent's attributional model, self-concept, and juvenile delinquency, especially, these adolescent who failed to college entrance test have what kind of psychological disposition in terms of attribution, self-concept and juvenile delinquency. The subjects consisted of 216 reexamination students for college entrance and 131 third grade high school students. The major findings of the present study are, 1. For attributional disposition, although the difference between reexamination students for college entrance and high school students is not big, reexamination students for college entrance is more negative than the high school students. 2. For self-concept, generally a lot of student has got negative viewpoint regards themselves, especially, most of students(88%) are regarded themselves as negative response for academic self-concept. 3. For juvenile delinquency, the experience that failed to the college entrance examination wouldn't influence to juvenile delinquency.

      • 기획특집 3: 군사용 전자광학 기술의 현재와 미래 -군사용 전자광학장비 산업체 기술 현황

        송인섭,Song, In-Seop 한국광학기기산업협회 2010 光學世界 Vol.130 No.-

        군사용 전자광학장비는 정보지식 기반의 현대무기체계에 필수적인 장비로 발전하고 있다. 그러나 광학부품의 원소재나 영상증폭관, 열상검출기 등의 일부 핵심부품은 여전히 해외도입에 의존하고 있으며, 항공기나 위성에 탑재되는 감시정찰용의 복합시스템에 대한 체계설계기술 역시 아직 미흡한 실정이다. 따라서 향후 군사용 전자광학장비의 완전한 자립을 위한 연구협력체 구성과 이를 통한 국제경쟁력 제고가 필요하다.

      • 자아개념의 多元性과 학업성취간 관계

        송인섭 숙명여자대학교 사회 교육과학연구소 2001 사회 교육과학연구 Vol.5 No.1

        Wylie는 “성취와 능력이 성취와 능력자아개념들, 그리고 일반 존중감과도 강하게 관계될 것”이라고 가장했다(1979, 355). 본 절은 목적은 이러한 연구를 간략하게 논평하는 것이다. Shavelson과 동료들의 모형에서 학문적 자아개념은 일반 자아개념의 한 요소이며, 수학과 언어와 같은 특정내용 분야에의 자아개념으로 나뉘어진다. SDQ 해석에 대한 구인타당도와 Shavelson 등의 모형의 구인타당도에 대한 지지는 ① 학업성취가 비학문적 혹은 일반 자아개념보다는 보다 긍정적으로 학문적 자아개념과 상관된다. 그리고 ② 언어와 수학성취들은 자아개념의 다른 특성보다 그 분야의 자아개념과 더 높게 상관되어야 할 필요가 있다. Educators have been critically concerned with the question of whether increasing self-concept changes achievement, or increasing achievement changes self-concept. Before the question of “which causes which” can be answered, however, it is necessary to fist establish covariation between these two variables. As Mill(1869) argued, covariation is the first important criterion for inferring cause. The other criteria are the temporal precedence of the cause, and that other explanations of the cause and effect relationship must be eliminated(see also Cook & Campbell, 1979; Kenny, 1979) The Three Criteria The meta-analysis just discussed indicated that, on average, only 2% to 4% covariation between self-concept and achievement can be expected. Thus, it is extremely difficult to go further and investigate causal claims. Kenny(1979 p.238) noted that variables with low correlations―he said less than .3―typically yield disappointing and confusing results with respect to causality. Thus any research assessing causality needs to pay careful attention to the first criteria; that is, the amount of covariation between the two variables. Byrne(1986), for examples, in a very elaborate study using causal modeling, was not able to establish causal pre dominance of self-concept of achievement. This is not surprising, given that the average covariance in her study between general self-concept and academic achievement was 4%. Pottenbaum, Keit, & Ehly (1986) did not find either self-concept or achievement causally dominant, and their average covariation was 1%. Marayuma, Rubin & Kingsbury (1981) reported a similar conclusion. Their average covariance was 4%. Skaalvik & Hagtvet (1990) found that academic achievement seems to have causal predominance over self-concept of ability in one of their samples, and academic achievement have causal predominance over global self-concept in the other(but there were no relations between achievement and self-concept of ability). These seemingly conflicting findings are based on an average 3% to 10% covariation. Moyer(1979) argued that self-concept is causally dominant but noted that the correlations between self-concept and achievement are “generally quite weak”(r<.20) Wattenberg and Clifford (1964) were more definite: “Even as early as kindergarten, self-concept phenomena are antecedents and predictors of reading accomplishments” (p.461). There conclusions are strong, but are actually based on finding that only 10 of 28 correlations were positive, none were significant, and overall the correlations between reading and changes in self-concept were “slightly inclined to be negative.” Such findings are hardly convincing. Given the low percentage of covariation, it is not surprising that there are just as many studies supporting the precedence of self-concept over achievement (Byrne, 1986, cited 8) as there are for the opposite case (Byrne cited 6). Higher correlations are reported between academic achievement and self-concept of ability, and typically these studies report predominance of achievement over self-concept of ability. An alternative explanation to this causal predominance is that academic self-concept measures self-estimates of ability. As noted in chapter 5, the widely used Brookover test very much involves a self-estimates of ability, has no items relating to the saliency of achievement, and has only one item relation to satisfaction. It was, therefore, not surprising that achievement was a better predictor of self-estimates of achievement than vice versa. For example, Marsh(1990a) re-analyzed the Bachman(1970) and Bachman & O'Malley 1997, 1986) data based on 1,456 students retested at 10th, 11th, 12th, and one year after graduation. There was support for the effects of prior self-concept of ability on subsequent reported grade, and no significant relationships in the other direction. The second criterion relates to the temporal issue. Before self-concept can be said to cause changes in achievement, programs to change self-concept must precede changes in achievement (or vice versa). In the social sciences these claims are difficult to test as the choice of the time interval is tricky. It may not be evident. If on the other hand, the time interval is too long than a premature measure of achievement may not detect the changes in achievement. Further, delayed cause are les likely to be solely attributable to the anticipated effect. Of course, self-concept and achievement are not static, and there may be much feedback between the two variables. Thus, any model that claims that changes in self-concept lead to changes in academic achievement (or vice versa) must distinguish between recursive (self-concept causes achievement or achievement cause self-concept) and nonrecursive theories (self-concept and achievement affect each other). There may be a feedback look between the two variables so that changing one has “instantaneous” effects on the other, and so on. Given that the covariation is so small, it would be extremely difficult to design an experiment to test a recursive versus a non-recursive model. The third criterion is that other explanations of the cause and effect relationship need to be eliminated. There can be many reasonable alternative rival hypotheses that could account for any changes in achievement following a self-concept program (or vice versa). O'Malley and Bachman(1976) concluded that much of the correlation between self-concept and achievement an best be explained “as reflecting a common set of prior cause background, ability and earlier scholastic success” (p.38). Marayuma, Rubin, and Kingsbury (1981) argued that self-concept and achievement are related “only insofar as they shared the background variables of social class and academic ability as common causes” (p.973). Moreover, self-concept may moderate self-efficacy or expectations about achievement. Alternatively, high achievement may lead to a more realistic understanding of expectation, which, when these expectations are met, may lead to an increased level of self-concept (see Ames, 1978; Sharp & Muller, 1978). A causal model that does not allow for such intervening variables would thus be flawed. There may be many variables that similarly moderate the relationship between self-concept and achievement. Calsyn and Kenny (1977) found more support for a causal precedence of achievement over self-concept for females that for males. This, they argued, was possibly because females are more sensive to feedback (see also Bridgeman & Shipman, 1978; and for an opposite conclusion regarding sex differences and causal dominance see Midkiff, Burke, Hunt & Ellison, 1986). Song and Hattie (1984) also investigated the moderating effects of home environment (but also see Chapman, Lambourne, & Silva, 1990). Other moderators that have been suggested include race, age, and ability (Bachman & O'Malley, 1977). Any research study that investigates the causal relationship between self-concept and achievement also may well consider multiple causes. Increasing self-concept and some other variables, such as increased teacher understanding of the mechanisms for change, may lead to increased achievement.

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