고려시대 官人層의 火葬

박진훈(Park, Jin-Hoon) 역사학회 2016 역사학보 Vol.0 No.229

Among the 326 epitaphs of bureaucrats investigated, 35 cases were cremated. The first record of cremation appeared at the reign of Munjong, and 50~60% of the bureaucrats’ families were cremated during the reigns of Yejong and Uijong. But the ratio of cremations during the reign of Myeongjong declined by 14% from the reign of Uijong to 36.1%, and the ratio kept dropping consistently during the military regime. No further record of cremation is shown among 110 epitaphs from the reign of Wonjong to the end of the dynasty. Cremation was an expensive funeral method. Therefore, there was an increased number of bureaucrats who could not afford to be cremaetd due to financial reasons. Additionally, the political conflict between the military regime and Buddhist temples is thought to have had reduced the frequency of cremations. Goryeo went into a war with the Mongols from the reign of Gojong. As a result, the country was ravaged and people were massacred. Consequently, cremation became almost impossible due to its costliness. Towards the end of the dynasty, cremation had been mostly replaced by burial as the common funeral method. Nevertheless, there remained a few number of people who were cremated for their devout faith in Buddhism. But when the radical group of new Sadaebu ferociously criticized Buddhism and the tradition of cremation, and established the Joseon dynasty based on Neo-Confucianism, the few remaining traditions of cremation disappeared.

고려시대 관인층(官人層)의 임종 장소와 그 변화상에 대한 고찰

박진훈 ( Jin Hoon Park ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2015 동방학지 Vol.172 No.-

고려시대 묘지명을 분석한 결과, 고려시대 관인층이 사망한 장소는 크게 집과 사찰 두 곳으로 압축된다. 전체 329건의 묘지명 중에서 사망장소가 기재되어 있는 경우는 143건이며, 이 중집에서 사망한 경우는 122명, 사찰에서 사망한 경우는 21명이다. 이를 시대별로 분석하여 보면, 무신정변이 일어나는 의종대까지 고려의 관인층은 전체 111건 중에서 집이나 사찰에서 사망한 사람이 55건이며, 이 중 집에서 36명, 사찰에서 19명이 사망하였다. 집에서 사망한 사람이 누락되었을 가능성이 크므로, 대략 5~4명에 1명꼴로 사찰에서 사망한 것으로 보는 것이 타당하다. 반면 무신정권기에는 사망 장소가 확인되는 47건 중 2명만이 사찰에서 사망하였다. 충렬왕대 이후에는 사망 장소가 확인되는 41명 모두집에서 사망하였다. 고려 관인층은 의종 12~13년에서 명종 15년사이에 더 이상 사찰에서 죽음을 맞이하지 않게 되었으며, 세속적 장소인 집에서 임종을 맞는 관습이 정착되었다고 할 수 있다. 이러한 변화가 발생한 이유는 다음과 같다. 무신정변의 발생으로 개경의 많은 사찰들이 커다란 피해를 입었다. 정변 이후에도 사찰 및 승려들은 계속해서 무신정권과 갈등을 빚었으며, 정변 발생 이후 치안이 불안정해짐에 따라 개경근처의 사찰들은 도적들의 습격을 받았다. 이에 따라 사찰은 요양을 하거나 안온한 죽음을 맞기에는 더 이상 적절한 장소가 아니었다. 따라서 사찰에서 임종하는 고려 관인층이 무신정변을 기점으로 급감하게 되었으며, 사찰에서 임종하는 것을 회피하는 풍조가 무신정권 내내 상당 기간 지속되면서 보편화한 것으로 보인다. 이어 유교적인 관념이 강화되고 유교적 상장례에 대한 의식이 성장하면서, 사찰에서 임종을 맞아서는 안 된다는 생각이 합리화되고 강화된것으로 보인다. 이에 따라 고려후기에는 독실한 불교신자라고 하더라도 사찰이 아닌 세속적 장소에서 임종을 맞이하는 것이 일반화되었다. 이러한 변화는 삶과 죽음에 대한 고려 관인층의 생각에 장기적으로 영향을 미쳤을 것이다. As a result of the analysis of tomb inscriptions from the Goryeo Dynasty, the death places of Goryeo bureaucrats`` families can be largely classified into two: their houses, and temples. Breaking it down by era, there were 111 members of Goryeo bureaucrat families buried before the Musin Jeongbeon (a coup d``etat by soldiers), of which 55 had their death places specified: 36 had died at their house, and 19 at the temple. On the other hand, among the 47 people who had died under the soldiers`` reign and whose death places could be identified, only 2 bureaucrat family members had met their death at the temple. After King Chungyeol, all 41 bureaucrat family members with specified death places had died in their own home. The reason for this change was as follows: when the Musin Jeongbeon coup broke out, many temples in Gaegyeong - the capital of Goryeo - suffered huge damages. Even after the Jeongbeon, temples and monks maintained serious conflicts with the governing soldiers. Therefore, temples were no longer an appropriate place to seek health treatment or peaceful death. For this reason, the number of Goryeo bureaucrat family members who chose to die at the temple drastically decreased after the Musin Jeongbeon, and the tendency to avoid dying at the temple remained prevalent among bureaucrats`` families long after the Jeongbeon. Furthermore, as Confucian ideologies were emphasized and their funeral rituals grew, the idea that death should not be met at the temple seems to have been rationalized and strengthened. Therefore, although bureaucrat family members were devoted Buddhists, it became generally accepted among them that death should be met in a secular place rather than at the temple. This change seems to have had an influence on Goryeo bureaucrat families`` perspective on life and death in the long run.

고려시대 리더십의 요소에 대한 연구

박진훈 ( Park¸ Jin-hoon ) 한국중세사학회 2021 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.66

As a result of analysis on the elements of leadership in the Goryeo Dynasty, it was found that several elements acted in a complex way to form the leadership. The conclusions of this study are as follows: In general, the status or position have been reckoned to bring the leadership through its authority. However, the authority and power from the status or position did not function properly in a critical situations. The force that operates differently depending on time, place, and situation cannot be called as leadership. The competence was a key element of the leadership. Military ability played a major role in attracting the respect and obedience from the soldiers under the military leader. The academic and administrative abilities were also the objects of respect. The official with this ability was more likely to acquire the leadership. However, the ability alone was not sufficient in implementing the leadership. The ability had to be the one to meet the needs of the group. In order to bring out the leadership, the ability had to be used effectively and appropriately for public purposes rather than private interests according to the principles. The courage was sometimes required for the use of the abilities in accordance with principles. Therefore, only those with courage could exercise the leadership. Principles brought the leadership only when applied for the group or a common purpose of the group members. Even if the leader adhered to the principles, the leadership used to collapse if it conflicted with the goals or expectations of group members. The leader had to equip the virtue of tolerance toward the group members while respecting the principles. The virtue of generosity was not to ignore the hope or expectations of the members and subordinates for life. This can be called the leadership by virtue. Unlike other leadership elements, the leadership by virtue was formed in the mutual relationship between the leader and members. Therefore, the leadership by virtue could bringt about the voluntary obedience of members, thereby strengthening the authority and leadership of the leader and promoting the group cohesion. It also played the most important and effective role in achieving the group’s goals, ensuring the survival and development of group members.

여말선초 江陵 지역에서의 통혼실태 : 江陵崔氏를 중심으로

朴晉勳(Park Jin-Hoon) 고려사학회 2011 한국사학보 Vol.- No.43

This paper researches the inter-marital situation in Gangneung area during 16C from late Goryeo till early Joseon through the actual cases of Gangneung Choi family. The Gangneung Choi family has three branches of Choi Mun-Han(崔文漢). Choi Heun-Bong(崔欣奉) and Choi Pil Dal(崔必達). who had the inter-marital relation with indigenous families in Gangneung as high as 48~54%. 41 % and 44% of total inter-marriages respectively, In similar rates of around half, three families had the inter-marital relation with indigenous families in Cangneung. More concretely, they had it with other branches of Gangneung Choi family, Gangneung Kim family(江陵金氏), Gangneung Park family(江陵朴氏) and Gangneung Ham family(江陵咸氏) in order. That is, three Choi branches had the dose inter-marital relation with each other and Gangneung Kim family and Gangneung Park family in Gangneung region. It must be because they shared the political, social and economical interests in the region. When the inter-marital ratio was checked in Gangneung jurisdiction or vicinity region. Choi Mun-Han had 57~64% of the total inter-marital relations with indigenous families in Gangneung vicinity region. while Choi Heun-Bong and Choi Pil-Dal had 51 % respectively. Especially, they had many inter-marriages with Samcheok Kim family(三陟金氏) and Samcheok Sim family(三陟沈氏). In the generational change, they showed the fluctuation of 37%~58%, 31%~50% and 31~52% respectively. With about 10% fluctuations from the averages, all the three branches had 3~5 of 10 inter-marriages with indigenous families in Gangneung area. They showed little increasing or decreasing in the marital tendency over generations. It must be because Gangneung has an isolated topographic condition with Taebaek(太白) Mt. Ridge and suffered few social changes due to it. And it turned out that Gangneung Choi family had little bond with other typical Cangwon areas(江原道) like Wonju(原州) and Chuncheon(春川) through the inter-marriage. In the actual marriage situation. Gangneung Choi family had duplicative and repetitive inter-marital relation with other indigenous families in Cangneung generation over generation. When a girl of the Choi family got married to a boy of other family, their kids married again with Gangneung Choi family members. In these inter-marriages, there were sorre cases of consanguineous marriage and ignorance or reversal of generation and kindred degree. Therefore, even if Gangneung Choi family had 51~60% of total inter-marriage with indigenous families in Gangneung area, actual ratio seemed much higher because the inter-marital relation was linked again with Gangneung Choi family through other family names. This type of inter-marriage must have an important role for Gangneung Choi family to maintain the social previledge in Gangneung.

수중 센서 네트워크를 위한 딥러닝 기반 링크 적응 방안

박진훈(Jin Hoon Park),조용호(Yong-Ho Cho),임태호(Tae-Ho Im),고학림(Hak-Lim Ko),조오현(Ohyun Jo) 한국통신학회 2019 한국통신학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2019 No.6

고려 사람들의 죽음과 장례

박진훈(Park Jin-Hoon) 한국사연구회 2006 한국사연구 Vol.135 No.-

The present paper examines the entire process from death to the final burial as it was observed by the bureaucratic class in the Goryeo Dynasty. As preparation for death, the people of the Goryeo Dynasty cleansed their bodies and reaffirmed their faith in the Buddha. Such acts were motivated by not only their Buddhist piety but also fear of death and love of life. Those faced with their own death would then make their last will and testament regarding their funerals and inheritance. Usually, people met their deaths at home or Buddhist temples. These temples are very likely to have been the memorial temples of the individual faced with death or their family, transcending the mere relationship between lay believers and places of worship. While lying-in-state rooms were usually prepared in temples near Gaegyeong, they increasingly came to be set up in private homes as well following the preparation of Ham Yu-il’s lying-in-state room within his house in the 15th year of King Myeongjong’s reign. With the preparation of lying-in-state rooms, family members and friends were notified of the death and received. Condolence callers were diverse, including not only non-acquaintances but also the masses. As for mourning garb, white clothing and black or white stovepipe-shaped hats were de rigueur. The government dispatched officials as condolence callers, bestowed posthumous posts and titles, provided condolence money, and assisted funerals. Funerals and condolence money were classified into various degrees, and the amount paid was considerable. After condolence calling, the primary funeral was performed. This was done according to one of largely three methods: established during the early Goryeo Dynasty, the recovery of the remains after the body had been placed or buried in a particular for some time; burial; and Buddhist cremation. The most common method was Buddhist cremation, which was performed on an auspicious day within a month of the death. After cremation, the remains were housed at Buddhist temples. During this period, the performance of certain rites, provision of donations and food to the temple and the monks involved, and reception of condolence callers took place. Because Buddhist cremation was costly, however, those who did not have the economic means to pay for the attendant ceremonies even had their family members’ cremated remains housed at temples for years. After cremation, preparation for the final burial began. Because they were the final resting place of the dead and thought to affect the lives of descendants, burial grounds were selected with great care. Because auspicious sites were selected for individual graves, it was impossible for family graves to develop. Once auspicious sites had been selected, sepulchers or stone cists were used to create graves and sarcophagi and epitaphs were produced as well. Once all the preparation was complete, the dead were buried on auspicious days. After the dead had been hearsed and buried according to certain procedures and rituals, a mound shaped like a horse’s mane was created, and pine trees and wild walnut trees were planted around the grave in memory of the dead.

고려시대 관인층의 빈소 설치장소와 그 변화상

박진훈(Park, Jin-Hoon) 고려사학회 2016 한국사학보 Vol.- No.62

사람이 사망하면 장례 절차가 시작된다. 장례 절차의 첫 번째는 發喪을 하여 친인의 죽음을 알리고, 이어서 빈소를 마련하여 친인의 시신을 안치하는 것이었다. 고려시대 관인 및 그의 가족의 경우, 빈소는 친인이 사망한 당일 설치되는 것이 원칙이었다. 무신정변이 발생하기 이전, 고려의 관인 및 그의 가족들이 사망하면, 사망한 장소와 상관 없이 빈소는 사찰에 마련되었다. 무신집권기에는, 고려전기와 마찬가지로 사찰에 빈소를 마련하는 풍습이 지속되었다. 하지만 세속적 장소인 亡者의 집에 빈소를 마련하는 새로운 경향이 등장하였으며, 이러한 새로운 경향은 급속도로 확대되어 구체적인 빈소 장소가 확인되는 인물 중의 절반 정도가 집에 빈소를 마련하였다. 원 간섭기에는 사찰에 빈소를 마련하는 풍습은 소멸되고, 관인 및 그의 가족들이 사망하였을 때 집에 빈소를 마련하는 원칙이 확립되었다. 이처럼 무신집권기에 사찰 대신 집에 빈소를 마련하는 풍습이 등장하게 된 이유는 다음과 같다. 첫 번째로, 불교식 장례는 비용이 많이 들었으므로 경제적인 면 때문에 집에 빈소를 마련하기 시작하였다는 점을 들 수 있다. 하지만, 관료층이 경제적으로 비교적 여유가 있는 계층이라는 점에서, 이 점만으로는 이러한 변화상을 설명하기에는 부족하다. 두 번째로 유교적 생활양식을 보급하려고 꾸준히 노력한 고려 정부와 유학자들의 노력을 들 수 있다. 세 번째로 무신정변으로 사찰이 커다란 피해를 입었고, 그 이후에도 사찰과 무신정권이 지속적으로 갈등을 하고 있었다는 점이 사찰에 빈소를 마련하는 풍습에 영향을 주었다. 특히 최충헌의 불교탄압과 거란 및 몽골과의 전쟁이 사찰에 빈소를 마련하는 풍습에 결정적인 타격을 미친 것으로 생각된다. When a person dies, a funeral ensues. The first step of a funeral was to notify the death by grieving, and then prepare a funeral parlor to accommodate the body. For an official and his family under the Goryeo dynasty, the parlor was to be installed on the day of the death. Before the Military coup, the parlor was usually prepared in a Buddhist temple for the death of an official or a member of his family, regardless of the place of death. During theperiod of the military regime, the custom to accommodate the dead body in a temple continued as in the initial period of the dynasty. However, there arose a new trend of having the funeral parlor at the family home of the dead as a temporal place. This trend rapidly spread, so almost a half of the people who have been confirmed the specific place of their funeral parlor had their funeral at their private home. During the period of the Yuan dynasty"s intervention, the custom of having the funeral parlor at a temple had disappeared, and the principle of the funeral parlor at home had been established as a norm when an official or a member of his family died. The reasons for the newly rising custom to have the funeral parlor at home instead of a temple are the following: first, it was simply much cheaper to have a funeral at home, instead of the pricey Buddhistic funeral. However, it cannot explain the whole change because the bureaucrats belonged to the relatively affluent class. Second, the consisted efforts by the Goryeo government and the Confucian scholars to spread the Confucian lifestyle may be attributed. Third, the temples were largely damaged by the military coup and the subsequent conflict between the temples and the military regime affected the custom of funerals at temples. Notably, the persecution of Buddhism by Choi Chung-Heon and the war against the Mongols and Khitans are thought to have delivered a decisive blow on the custom of funerals at temples.

고려시대 사람들의 개명(改名)

박진훈 ( Jin Hoon Park ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2008 동방학지 Vol.141 No.-

여말선초 원주 지역에서의 통혼양태 : 原州元氏를 중심으로

박진훈(Park Jin-hoon) 고려사학회 2009 한국사학보 Vol.- No.35

조선 세종대 감옥의 개선과 수인(囚人)의 구휼

박진훈 ( Jin Hoon Park ) 한국문명학회 2007 문명연지 Vol.8 No.1