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Fragments and Ellipsis in Korean
Bum-Sik Park(박범식) 한국생성문법학회 2008 생성문법연구 Vol.18 No.1
There are two views on fragments. On view argues that certain fragments can be derived by ellipsis (Merchant 2004, 2007). The other view opposes this view and argues that fragments are generated as such and by themselves can be interpreted as propositions, assertions and questions (cf. Barton 1990, Stainton 1993, 1994, 1997, 2006). Discussing some fragments in Korean, this paper provides novel arguments in favor of the former. More specifically, this paper examines fragments in Korean, dubbed Pseudogapping, Pseudostripping, and Stripping (Kim 1997), and argues that these constructions are derived by ellipsis.
On Some Asymmetries of Syntactic Extraction in Double Accusative Constructions in Korean
Bum-Sik Park(박범식) 언어과학회 2019 언어과학연구 Vol.0 No.90
This paper investigates certain asymmetrical behaviors of the two Acc-marked NPs in Double Accusative Constructions (DAC). It is observed that the two NPs exhibit nonuniform patterns with respect to scrambling, clefting and relativization: While in alienable DACs, the second NP appears to resist these syntactic extractions, in inalienable DACs it appears to resist only scrambling. I claim that the asymmetries arise from processing effects. Extending Bae and Park (2018) and B-S Park (2019), I suggest that the parser strongly tends to choose an overt NP when it competes with a trace/gap for a potentially matching predicate. This results in the apparent, syntactic resistance in alienable DACs. In inalienable DACs, however, the ‘ignored’ trace can be reinvoked due to reanalysis for clefting and relativization, but not for scrambling. I also explore the possibility that the proposed account can extend to Double Nominative Constructions.
Contrastive Negation, Emphatic do and Left-Edge Ellipsis
박범식(Bum-Sik Park),정윤구(Philip Yoongoo Jung),오세랑(Sei-Rang Oh) 한국생성문법학회 2021 생성문법연구 Vol.31 No.3
In this paper, we examine contrastive negation of verbal elements in English (e.g. Mary should not praise but denounce John.). As noted by McCawley (1998), when the auxiliary do substitutes for the modal in this example, the verb in the second conjunct must be tense-inflected. However, we observe that with emphatic do, the verb can be in its base form. We argue that the contrast arises because emphatic do (but not non-emphatic do) allows coordination of verbal element. We also argue that the contracted negator n’t invariably functions as sentential negation and thus requires tense-inflection on the verb in the second conjunct (e.g. Mary didn’t praise but denounced John.). In contrast, the uncontracted negator not can function as either constituent or sentential negation, giving rise to structural ambiguity. We further contend that the identical form surfaces through the process of Left-Edge Ellipsis.
Multiple fragment answers in Korean
박범식 ( Bum Sik Park ) 경희대학교 언어연구소 2013 언어연구 Vol.30 No.3
There are two main approaches to fragments: the Ellipsis Approach (Morgan 1973, Merchant 2004, 2010) and the Direct Interpretation Approach (Yanofsky 1978,Stainton 1998, 2006, Barton and Progovac 2005). Examining fragment answers in Korean and proposing a generalization of them, this paper argues that the Direct Interpretation Approach fails to account for the wide range of data and suggests two possible directions toward an analysis. It is proposed that fragment answers involve both ellipsis and pro/cleft and that contrary to what the Direct Interpretation Approach assumes, fragment answers involve structure. The arguments come from various ‘word order’ effects of multiple fragments and island (in)sensitivity of fragment answers.
Notes on Reformulative Nominal Appositions in English: Toward a Hybrid Analysis
Bum-Sik Park(박범식),Philip Yoongoo Jung(정윤구),Sei-Rang Oh(오세랑) 언어과학회 2020 언어과학연구 Vol.0 No.95
This paper investigates reformulative nominal appositions in English. Recently, two competing analyses have been proposed. The coordination analysis argues that the anchor and the apposition are coordinated (Griffiths 2015a,b), whereas the ellipsis analysis argues that the apposition is generated within an independent root clause and is interpolated into the host after application of ellipsis (Ott 2016). In this paper, carefully examining the relevant arguments, we claim that each analysis needs to be adopted on independent grounds, and thus both analyses are operable in dealing with wide range of data.
Some Restrictions on Multiple Remnants in Right Dislocation and Fragments
Bum-Sik Park(박범식),Sei-Rang Oh(오세랑) 한국언어학회 2020 언어 Vol.45 No.1
This paper investigates certain restrictions on multiple remnants in Right Dislocation (RD) and Fragments. In both constructions, multiple remnants (i.e., multiple appendices and multiple fragments, respectively) exhibit the effect of Clause-Mate Condition (CMC). In particular, when an adjunct remnant is associated with the embedded domain, it cannot appear with an additional remnant that is extracted from the matrix domain, giving rise to the CMC effect. Given the parallel patterns between RD and fragments, we put forward an ellipsis analysis. We suggest that the effect arises due to intricate interplay of ellipsis and the processing mechanism that demands that the parser choose an overt remnant over an elided NP when they compete for a potentially matching predicate (cf. Frazier and Fodor 1978; Bae and Park 2018). This accounts for why the CMC effect is absent when ellipsis does not take place.
Intervention Effects on Reconstruction: with Focus on NPI and –man ‘only’
Bum-Sik Park(박범식),Sei-Rang Oh(오세랑) 한국언어학회 2021 언어 Vol.46 No.2
This paper investigates the intervention effects on the reconstruction of scrambled elements in Korean. It has been often noted in the literature that in certain contexts, a scrambled element induces an intervention effect in conjunction with LF wh-movement in Korean (Beck & Kim 1997). Crucially, what is assumed here is that the scrambled element does not reconstruct, contrary to the standard assumption that scrambled elements can (optionally) reconstruct (Saito 1992). The paper aims to resolve this paradoxical situation. We show that the anti-reconstruction effect is detected only with certain focus elements (e.g. NPI, –man ‘only’ and wh -phrase). Specifically, it is shown that these focus elements may not reconstruct across another intervening focus. We also present data that exhibit a more direct intervention effect such that the relevant construction becomes unacceptable due to the inevitable conflict between reconstruction and the constraint.
Deriving Multiple Sluicing in Korean
Bum-Sik Park(박범식) 한국생성문법학회 2007 생성문법연구 Vol.17 No.4
This paper examines and compares sluicing in Korean, English, and SC, and attempts to show how it is derived. In particular, it is argued that in contrast to sluicing in English, sluicing in Korean involves movement of wh-phrase to Focus Projection located between CP and IP, followed by IP-ellipsis. To show this, the paper takes into an account multiple sluicing constructions in SC and Korean. It is also shown that with the assumption that wh-phrases in Korean do not move to CP in overt syntax, we can account for some contrasts found in these language with respect to, for example, the presence/absence of Superiority effects observed in these languages.