장항선 선로 법면에 건설된 철도보강노반의 장기 침하계측

김웅진(Ungjin Kim),김대상(Dae Sang Kim),이동호(Dong Ho Lee),노병국(Byung Kuk Roh) 한국철도학회 2014 한국철도학회 학술발표대회논문집 Vol.2014 No.10

장항선 법면에 시공된 철도보강노반의 시공 중 및 시공 후 침하와 근접 선로의 연동침하를 연구하기 위한 계측을 수행하였다. 강우로 유실된 철도 법면 사공간을 활용하여 폭 11m의 철도보강노반을 건설하였다. 시공 시에는 지지력 증가 및 침하 저감을 위해 강성벽체 기초부의 연약지반을 시멘트 처리된 자갈로 치환하여 시공하였다. 침하의 측정은 원지반 1개소, 지표 4개소, 인접한 기존 선로상에 12개소의 계측점을 설정하여 9개월 동안 측정하였다. 최종 침하량을 평가하고 잔류침하량을 10mm로 가정하였을 때 침하 수렴에 소요된 기간은 원지반 1개월, 지표침하 1.5개월로 평가되었다. The long-term measurements (9 months) was performed to evaluate the settlement of the reinforced subgrade constructed on the slope of Jang-Hang Line and interlocking settlements of the adjacent tracks. The reinforced subgrade with 11m wide was constructed on the railway slope which had been damaged by rain fall. The ground of the foundation of the rigid face wall was replaced with cement-mixed gravels to improve the bearing capacity and reduce settlements. The measurement points were 1 on the ground, 4 on the surface of the subgrade, 12 on the adjacent tracks. From the analysis of measurement data, the estimated final residual settlement was 10mm. It was found that the periods for settlements to converge were 1 month for the ground, 1.5 months for the surface.

사회과학지식의 방법론적 인증

김웅진(KIM Ungjin) 한국국제정치학회 2014 國際政治論叢 Vol.54 No.4

문제풀이, 犯法科學과 과학의 진보

金雄鎭(Kim Ungjin) 한국국제정치학회 1995 國際政治論叢 Vol.34 No.2

Boole의 대수학적 연산방식을 통한 정성적 비교분석

金雄鎭(Kim Ungjin) 한국국제정치학회 1993 國際政治論叢 Vol.33 No.1

과학적 패권과 연구방법론

김웅진(Ungjin Kim) 21세기정치학회 2002 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.12 No.1

Wide-spread methodological dependence on the Western science within the Korean political science, accelerated by non-scientific, ideological orientations, has been justified by the notion of scientific universality. Scientific universality of the research methodology, however, is nothing more than a mirror image of the science politics; it is manipulated by a powerful, authoritarian methodological network operating within any scientific community. This methodological dependence has led to the production and reproduction of knowledges based on the research puzzles concomitant to the Western methodological canons, provoking continual criticism on their sociopolitical relevance. The search for an independent research methodology, free from Western scientism, should start from the distinctive Korean image of politics which subsumes the proper research puzzles. The new methodology, which guarantees the Korean perspectives, could only then be suggested as a relevant puzzle-solving machinery.

집단사고로서의 연구방법론

김웅진(Ungjin Kim) 21세기정치학회 2013 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.23 No.3

The politics of science for the maintenance of hierarchical hegemonic order within a scientific community produces methodological groupthink, leading to the alleged unanimity in the decision-making process for selecting proper heuristic devices; the “core set” of the strong research tradition induces symptoms of self-censorship, illusions of unanimity and illusion of invulnerability among the accomplices by means of reward and punishment, acceptance and exclusion, as well as functional and ascriptive governance network of knowledge production in order to secure methodological conformity. Groupthink not only generates the consensus-bound psychological dispositions for thoroughgoing commitment to the research tradition, but also breeds the ethos of scientific change; it diffuses scientific “habits of mind,” while accelerating the unavoidable emergence of divergent perspectives in the normal research community, each supported by fragmented groupthink. In short, methodological groupthink promotes the Kuhnian essential tension for paradigmatic shift.

남태평양 복종문화의 정치적 변용

김웅진(Ungjin Kim) 21세기정치학회 2011 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.21 No.3

The Tongan constitutional monarchy constitutes a prime example of the perfect fusion of Western-style institutional apparatus and fakaapaapa, a primitive social norm postulating unconditional obedience of commoners to leadership, i. e., tribal chiefs and royal family. It shows a stark contrast to the political dynamics in Fiji and Vanuatu, where a remarkable parallel equilibrium of traditional hegemonic order and institutional arrangement of parliamentary democracy has been revealed. In this context, Tonga's experience has a significant analytic implication not only in the Pacific studies and but in the comparative analysis of democracies in general. Tonga provides fresh analytic perspectives, both theoretical and methodological, for delineating the factors of cross-national variance appearing in the operation of Western-sty Ie political institutions in the non-Western regions, including the South Pacific. It may also become a starting point of the attempt to detect 'bulwarks' which have been deterring the diffusion of democratic ethos to the region.

과학방법론의 사회적 인증

김웅진(Ungjin Kim) 21세기정치학회 2007 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.17 No.3

A scientific research programme acquires the status of 'strong science' when it successfully constructs an effective apparatus for the exchange of scientific as well as sociopolitical interests with patrons. The scientific relevance of a heuristic, accordingly, is an outcome of the 'politics of science'; the 'strong science' governs research orientation, methodology, and agenda on the basis of the dominant 'official' ideology, thereby creating a major league of mutual interests with power-holders within the society. The 'weak science', also, attempts to create a 'minor league' with politically disadvantaged sectors or other 'weak sciences' in order to secure stable research atmosphere. In this context, scientific enterprise becomes a political enterprise, where rational choice is made to find the most profitable alternatives for maximizing mutual interests, and scientists show the 'habitual allegiance' to the dominant heuristic which guarantees the title of 'competent scientist'. Scientific progress can never be expected unless the current hegemony structure within the scientific as well as sociopolitical realms, which oppresses the freedom and creativity of scientific inquiry, is totally overturned.

사회과학적 일반화에 있어서 연구사례의 일탈성

김웅진(Ungjin Kim) 21세기정치학회 2016 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.26 No.4

일제 강점기 민주주의 담론에 반영된 민주주의 개념의 변용 양상: 자산 안확(自山 安廓)과 ‘신지식인(新知識人)’의 담론을 중심으로

김웅진 ( Ungjin Kim ) 비교민주주의연구센터(비교민주주의학회) 2017 비교민주주의연구 Vol.13 No.2

『조선문명사』를 통해 전개된 일제 강점기의 정치지성 안확(安廓)의 민주주의 담론은 민주주의 정치질서의 기제적 측면, 곧 민주주의 개념의 파생적 지칭성에 초점을 맞추고 있다. 즉, 그는 조선의 정치사가 서구정치사에 결코 뒤떨어지지 않는 근대성을 담지하고 있었다는 역사적 근거를 전통적 정치 기제에 반영된 민주주의적 흔적 속에서 탐색하여 일본에 대한 조선의 문화적 우월성을 암시하는 정신적 저항을 시도하고, 더 나아가 자주적 근대화를 달성할 수 있는 민족적 역량을 과시하려 했다. 그러나 정치적 근대성을 서구 민주주의의 제도적 측면에서 찾으려 했던 자산은 그러한 서구적 근대성과 조선의 내재적 근대성을 단순히 정치 기제의 측면에서 짝지음으로써 민주주의의 개념적 변용을 초래했다. 한편 ‘신지식인(新知識人)’들은 민주주의의 기본원리를 광범위하게 논의했으나, 그러한 원리를 제도적으로 구현할 수 있는 경로가 원천적으로 봉쇄된 억압적 식민정치지형 속에서 민족적 자주성의 확립방안에 관한 추상적 담론을 전개할 수밖에 없었다. 즉, 다이쇼 데모크라시 시대의 일본 유학을 통해 서구 민주주의의 발전사에 관해 심도 깊은 지식을 획득한 이들은 식민통치에 정신적으로 저항하기 위해 요구되는 민족적 자주성이 조선인 시민사회를 구축함으로써 확보될 수 있다고 믿었으며, 이에 따라 그러한 시민사회의 구축에 필요한 시민의식을 함양한다는 측면에서 민주주의의 이념적 원리를 계몽하려 진력했던 것이다. 이들의 민주주의 담론은 바로 이처럼 실천성을 상실하고 있었기 때문에 민주주의 개념의 변용을 시도하지 않았다고 볼 수 있다. Democratic dicourse by An Hwak, one of the eminent Korean nationalist intellectuals under the Japanese colonial rule, focuses on the derivative indication of the concept of democracy, i.e., institutional apparatus of political order; in his Chosun Mun Myeong Sa (The Cultural History of Korea), An Hwak tries to reveal the ‘inherent modernity’ of traditional political institutions in order to highlight the cultural superiority of Korea over Japan, thereby instigating the ethos of protest against the colonial rule and mass consciousness for self-propelled modernization. While An Hwak’s dicourse is anchored on the conceptual transfiguration of democracy, discourses by the Sin Ji Sik In (new Intellectuals) accept the notion of Western democracy as it is, without any conceptual rearrangement. These young intellectuals were extensively exposed to the Western democracy through the overseas studies in Japan when the ideological turbulence of the Taisho democracy prevailed, and discussed the basic essence of democracy, both ideological and institutional, for the purpose of building an independent Korean civil society, free from the colonial state power.