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- 저자 : 강은경(Eungyeong Kang) (검색결과 5 건)
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강은경(Eungyeong Kang) 한국음운론학회 2005 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.11 No.2
In this paper, I present an analysis of Consonant Copy in the Jeju dialect and n-Epenthesis in Korean in the framework of Optimality Theory. I argue that both processes are driven by two independent constraints: (1) Edge-Demarcation at the right edge of a word, which requires that the right edge of a morphological constituent coincide with that of a prosodic unit, and thus militates against syllabification across word boundaries (2) the sonority constraint SYLLCON, which prohibits rising sonority across syllable boundaries. With both constraints dominating DEP-IO, a consonant is inserted in the configuration of ...C]_(Word) (Word)_[V..., resulting in ...C][CV..., where C is an inserted consonant. Based on this, I propose that Consonant Copy in the Jeju dialect is a generalized process of n-Epenthesis. I also argue that a consonant root is inserted and copies the featural content of the preceding consonant in the Jeju dialect in Korean. In the other dialects, the insertion is more restricted, such that it is limited to the epenthesis of /n/ only before a high vocoid /i/ or /j/. Despite these differences, I show that the proposed analysis of Consonant Copy and n-Epenthesis in Korean supports the important role of the right edge demarcation in morphology-phonology interface in general.
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The emergence of the unmarked syllable structure and local conjunction of constraints
Eungyeong Kang(강은경) 한국음운론학회 2006 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.12 No.3
In Optimality theory, syllable structure is regulated by syllable structure constraints, and syllable structure induced epenthesis is also under the reign of the same set of constraints. This guarantees that epenthesis derives well-formed syllable structure in a given language by inserting minimum number of segments. However, in this paper I present an apparent problem case of non-minimal epenthesis in Southeastern Pomo, in which the sequence of /…VCCCCC/ is realized as […VC.CV.CV.CVC] instead of<SUP>*</SUP>[…VC.CVC.CVC]. I argue that this is due to the asymmetric requirement on epenthetic vowels that they should appear in the unmarked core syllable, while underlying vowels are free to appear in any type of syllable permitted in the language. I argue that this is a case of the emergence of the unmarkedness in derived structure, and propose that this be captured using local conjunction of a markedness constraint with a faithfulness constraint. I argue that this provides further support for explanatory power of parallel Optimality Theory by obviating the need for positing stipulated derivational levels or level-specific well-formedness conditions.
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강은경(Eungyeong Kang) 한국중원언어학회 2018 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.49
The aim of this study is to investigate the importance of blending in Korean morphology as a means of deriving new morphemes. I present two cases in which bound morphemes taken from a blend become free morphemes. First, splinters of blends, such as phia ‘corrupt, retired government officials working in a private company’ as in kwanphia (<kwanlyo + maphia), are lexicalized and used as independent morphemes. Second, verbal roots, such as haymalk from haymalk-ta ‘be innocent, untainted’, are separated from suffixes and used as free morphemes by themselves or as part of another word as in haymalk miso ‘innocent smile.’ I argue that these are a rare case of systematic lexicalization and that productive blending has been a source of such lexicalization. The emergence of unexpected prosodic property, that is, a verbal root, when used as a free morpheme, should be a two-syllable word with a word-final coda, is observed and accounted for as word minimality resulted from a derived environment effect of blending.
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