노인 외로움이 영향요인 분석

송준아(Song Jun-Ah),장성옥(Jang Sung-Ok),임여진(Lim Yeo-Jin),이숙자(Lee Sook-Ja),김순용(Kim Soon-Yong),설근희(Seol Geun-Hee) 기본간호학회 2007 기본간호학회지 Vol.14 No.3

Purpose: This study was done to investigate the relationship of family function, self-esteem, life satisfaction, and general characteristics to loneliness in community dwelling Korean elders and identify factors affecting loneliness. Method: With a cross-sectional causal-relationship design and a convenience sample, 205 elders residing in three districts of the city of Seoul, S. Korea were recruited. Participants were assessed using the Family APGAR Score, Self-Esteem Scale, Life-Satisfaction Scale, and Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale. Results: The mean score for degree of loneliness (Mean=39.61, SD=10.09) was just below the mean for the scale (Possible range 20-80). Loneliness had significant negative correlations with family function (r= -.400, p<.001), self-esteem (r= -.399, p<.001), and life satisfaction (r= -.644, p<.001). Other general characteristics that had significant or nearly significant relationships with loneliness were perceived current financial and health status, whether doing any exercise or physical activities, degree of close relationship with family members, and length of living in current residence. Among variables, life satisfaction (Standardized β = -.589, p<.001) and length of living in current residence (Standardized β = -.136, p<.05) significantly predicted degree of loneliness. Conclusion: Findings of this study allow a comprehensive understanding of loneliness and related factors among community dwelling elders in Korea. However, further studies with a larger random sample from various living environments are necessary.

대학 태권도 시범단 학생지도자의 리더십 행동유형이 단원들의 열정 및 조직이탈에 미치는 영향

송준한(Song, Jun-Han),이승진(Lee, Seung-Jin),전정우(Jeon, Jeong-Woo) 한국체육과학회 2018 한국체육과학회지 Vol.27 No.6

The purpose of this study is to provide basic data on the operation and development of university taekwondo demonstration team by analyzing how the leadership behaviors of student leaders of university taekwondo demonstration team affect the passion and organizational deviation of the members. A sample of 300 taekwondo demonstration team members from 10 universities in Korea was collected and 274 questionnaires were used for the actual analysis except for 26 pieces of data that were not responded to. The following conclusions were drawn by conducting frequency analysis, exploratory factor analysis, reliability analysis, correlation analysis, and multiple regression analysis using SPSS Version 23.0 program. First, the correlation analysis revealed that all factors except for the relationship between the positive feedback and the subordinate factor of leadership behavior, ie, time constraint, emotion, There is a significant relationship. Second, as a result of analyzing the effect of leadership type on the passion of the members, democratic behavior, social support behaviors, positive feedback, harmony passion, authoritative behavior, and positive feedback have a significant influence on compulsive passion. Third, as a result of analyzing the effect of leadership type on an organizational deviation, the results showed that training and instructional behaviors were significant for a leader, democratic behaviors for time constraint, and authoritative behaviors for leader, motivation, time constraint, emotion, respectively. Fourth, as a result of analyzing the effect of passion on organization deviation, harmony passion showed significant influence on a leader, loss of motivation, time constraint, emotion, and exercise result.

해방 후 북한의 소련군과 북한 주민의 루소포비아, 1945-1950

송준서 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2023 중소연구 Vol.47 No.2

This paper aims to explore the Russophobia among the residents of North Korea during the immediate post-colonial years. In addition to the deviant behavior of Soviet troops, which included looting and rape, the systematic removal of natural resources, grain, and machinery from North Korea by the Soviet troops significantly impacted the rise of Russophobia among North Koreans. Aspects not fully addressed in existing literature include the reasons for the deviant behavior of the Soviet troops, the subsequent decrease in such behavior, and a detailed analysis of the Soviet troops extracting various goods and resources from North Korea. The paper also delves into the proactive responses of the North Korean people, which included protests and acts of sabotage. This study examines these topics through a careful examination of memoirs and autobiographies of North Koreans, Russian archival materials, and by comparing the situation of Soviet troops in North Korea to the domestic economic situation in the contemporary Soviet Union and the behavior of Soviet troops in Germany during the post-World War II years.

Ecological Consideration in the Definition of Mental Retardation as It Relates to Adaptation

송준만 한국특수교육학회 1977 特殊敎育論叢 Vol.1 No.-

인증:인증과 적합성 평가

송준일 한국유체기계학회 2015 한국유체기계학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2015 No.6

두뇌장애 형태에 따른 특수아동의 인지 및 학습특성에 관한 연구

송준만 한국특수교육학회 2000 특수교육학연구 Vol.35 No.3

러시아 역사교과서에 묘사된 제2차 세계대전의 ‘어두운 역사’: 옐친과 푸틴 시기 교과서 비교

송준서 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2017 중소연구 Vol.41 No.2

During the first decade after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian historians often reviewed the Soviet history with critical tones. The Yeltsin administration, however, did not intervene directly in writing history textbook. This was because, on the one hand, the Yeltsin government strived to remove Soviet legacy in Russian society, including education and academia while, on the other hand, it was unable to afford to pay enough attention to the textbook issue due to the perplexing situations during the transitional period to free-market capitalism. In contrast, the Putin administration, striving both to achieve social unity and to restore the dignity of the state in Russian society, has begun to directly intervene in history-textbook writing. Providing guidelines for writing the textbook, the government cancelled the authorization for a textbook, written by Igor Dolutskii, describing the Stalin regime’s policies during World War II with overly critical tones. In contrast, emphasizing that there were no other alternatives for the wartime Soviet government in order to protect national interests, Aleksandr Danilov and Aleksander Filippov, authors of textbook that was drafted under the guidance of the Putin government, frequently justify Stalin’s wartime decisions that had de-ideologized, immoral, and unethical nature. Although the Putin administration has not introduced the system of government-authorized textbook yet, it has continued to work on the establishment of official narratives, prioritizing patriotism, heroism, unity, and national interests over liberalism, individualism, and democracy, in interpreting historical meanings of wartime historical events such as the Nazi-Soviet Nonaggression Pact of 1939, the Katyn massacre, forceful migration of ethnic minorities in the western borderlands of USSR, and wartime attitudes of Soviet citizens in Russian history textbook by persuading and pressing historians and teachers. 소련 해체 이후 첫 10년간 러시아 역사가들은 소비에트 역사에 대해 부정적 평가를 내리는 경우가 많았지만, 옐친 정부는 역사교과서 집필 과정에 직접 간여하지 않았다. 옐친 정부는 소비에트 잔재 청산을 주요 목표로 삼았고, 시장자본주의 이행기의 혼란 속에서 교과서 문제까지 신경 쓸 여유가 없었다. 그러나 사회통합과 실추된 국가 위상 회복을 최우선의 과제로 설정한 푸틴 정부는 역사교과서 집필에 직접 개입하기 시작해서 소련 역사에 대해 지나치게 비판적 해석을 견지한 교과서의 검인정을 취소하였고 역사교과서 집필 가이드라인까지 제시했다. 이러한 정부 지침 아래 집필된 교과서는 제2차 세계대전 시기 스탈린 정부의 탈이데올로기적이며 비윤리적인 정책 집행에 대해 당시로써는 국가이익 수호를 위해서는 다른 대안이 없었다는 논리를 견지하고 있다. 비록 푸틴 정부는 역사교과서 국정화 정책을 시행하지는 않았지만, 오늘 날까지 지속해서 역사교과서 집필에 직간접적 압력을 행사해옴으로써 러시아역사 기술에 대한 간접 검열을 통한 공식 사관 정립에 힘쓰고 있다.

기억의 정치학 : 러시아 국가통합 도구로서 전쟁의 기억

송준서 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2012 중소연구 Vol.36 No.1

This paper explores the ways that Russian leadership over the past two decades used memories of war to unify post-Soviet Russian state and society. During the 1990s, Russian society became further divided along class and political lines. One of the urgent tasks facing President Boris Yeltsin(1992-1999) was to unify society by embracing both the group who supported the capitalist market reform that the Yeltsin leadership had launched in the early 1990s, and conservatives, who opposed the radical reform. The Yeltsin leadership knew that memories of war,especially World War II, entail values that are relatively neutral with respect to politics and ideology; both reform-supporters and those who opposed the reform could glorify these memories without serious controversy. Yeltsin revived the tradition of the military parade on Victory Day, which celebrated the Soviet victory against Nazi Germany in World War II. He also established an honor guard near the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier outside the walls of the Kremlin as well as new anniversaries, called “Days of Military Honor,” that celebrated the victory of Russian armies against foreign enemies throughout Russian history. Partly accepting the Soviet tradition of demonstrating the power and glory of the military and state, the Yeltsin government sought to satisfy opponents who complained that the government blindly and humiliatingly followed the capitalist practices of the West. Following President Yeltsin’s footsteps, Presidents Putin and Medvedev also used memories of war to unify Russian society and territories. However, the main problem that Putin had to solve was to bring the regions that had developed independent attitudes toward the center during the Yeltsin era into the centralized system. The Putin leadership launched the “City of Military Glory” project, in which the central government bestowed the title of City of Military Glory on regional cities which had heroic experiences of fighting against foreign invaders and defending the region. Both the Putin and Medvedev governments have also granted the honorary title to cities near the borderland in order to uphold the patriotic identity of borderland cities in the midst of security threats from hostile neighboring countries. The Putin and Medvedev leaderships thus used memories of war to integrate and maintain a unified Russian nation physically and mentally. 본고에서는 소련 해체 이후 지난 20여 년간 러시아 지도부가 전쟁의 기억을 어떻게 국가통합의 도구로 사용했는지 고찰하였다. 1990년대 초 러시아 사회는 시장자본주의 개혁 지지 세력과 급진적 개혁 반대 세력이 충돌하면서 여러 갈래로 분열되었다. 당시 옐친 정부는 통합된 국가 정체성을 수립하기 위해 보수와 개혁 세력 모두를 아우를 수 있는 국가 통합의 도구로 전쟁의 기억을 활용하였다. 극심한 피해를 입고서도 모든 국민이 인내하여 궁극적으로 승리로 이끌었던 대조국전쟁에 대한 기억은 국민 모두를 단합시키기에 충분한 도덕적 정당성을 지니고 있었다. 소비에트 관습과 전통에서 벗어나려고 했던 옐친 대통령은 아이러니하게도 전쟁 기억의 활용이라는 소비에트 관습을 계승하였다. 이후 푸틴 대통령의 과제는 옐친 시기 분권화 경향이 강해진 지방을 중앙의 영향권 내로 다시 끌어들여 러시아 공간을 하나로 묶어내는 것이었다. 이를 위해 푸틴과 그의 정책을 계승한 메드베데프 정부는 지방 도시의 전쟁 기억을 찾아내어 중앙-지방을 하나로 묶고 국경 지방을 단속하는 도구로 활용하면서 러시아 공간 통합을 꾀했다.

발전소 내 구조물 진동 제어를 위한 MR 유체가 적용된 동조질량감쇠기 설계 및 적용

송준한,이현섭,이홍기,백재호 한국CDE학회 2023 한국CDE학회 논문집 Vol.28 No.3

When several pulverizers operating simultaneously at the same rotational speed for coal pulveri- zation in a thermal plant, workers inside the nearby control structure complained of discomfort due to the vibration. Through structure and transmission path vibration measurement the phe- nomenon of vibration amplification in the structure due to resonance and the concentration of vibration energy in the roof due to structural characteristics were identified. To reduce the vibra- tion in the control room, the design of the main factors of the TMD(Tuned Mass Damper) was conducted. An analysis of the optimal mass, stiffness, and damping characteristics of the TMD was designed using a finite element analysis program ANSYS. MR(Magneto-Rheological) fluid was used for the damper of the TMD for the optimal vibration reduction effect considered to the site conditions. The optimal position of the TMD in the structure was selected, and the reduction effect was verified by conducting vibration monitoring before and after installing the vibration mitigation measures.

1920∼30년대 경제정책을 통해 본 소련의 중앙-지방 관계

송준서 한국서양사학회 2014 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.123

Analyzing the decision-making processes of the Soviet economicpolicies during the 1920s and 1930s, this paper explores not only theways that the central leadership governed the regional authorities,but also the strategies that the local leadership used against thecentral government in order to pursue local interests. Focusing onthe Ukrainian, Karelian, and Ural regions, which represent industrialcenters or borderland areas, this paper examines how the relationshipbetween the central and local governments changed as Stalinconsolidated his power in the party in the late 1920s. It considers towhat extent the administrative-command system, characterized bythe center’s strong control of decision making, failed. This studyindicates that, despite the increased control of the Stalinist leadershipover the region from the late 1920s, the local authorities continuedtheir practice of negotiating with the center. They did this bylobbying key figures, such as Stalin and other top party-leaders, topersuade and push the central authorities to make decisions favoringlocal economies. Although the Stalinist leadership increased itscapacity to control local authorities by restricting their autonomy andpurging local leaders who built strong local networks based on thepatronage system, the central leadership could not fully control them. The central government, which suffered from an insufficient numberof officials in the central economic organizations, was unable tocontrol the local authorities. It also had to depend on theseauthorities to obtain necessary information on local economies andindustries to establish and carry out centralized economic plans.