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A Typology of Locatives and Event Composition in English
Nam, Seungho 서울대학교 어학연구소 2000 語學硏究 Vol.36 No.4
This paper, based on Nam's (1995) logic of space, proposes a compositional semantics of event structures in terms of eventuality type of predicates and the semantics of locatives. The paper proposes the following typology of English locatives: (i) Stative locatives, (ii) Symmetric locatives, (iii) Telic locatives, and (iv) Atelic locatives. Extending the version of Pustejovskys (1995) Event Structure, the paper further identifies five classes of eventualities: (i) e1[state], (ii) e1[process], (iii) e1*[process]+e2[state], (iv) e1[process]+e2*[state], and (v) e1*[process]+e2*[state]. It is claimed that the following patterns of telicity shifting arise in semantic composition of predicates and locatives: (i) e1[process] → e1[process]+e2*[state], e.g., run into the room, and (ii) e1*[process]+e2[state] → e1*[process]+e2*[state], e.g., load the hay on the truck. Defining paths as "sequences of regions" and orientations as "directed rays," the paper accounts for the contrast between telic and atelic locatives in terms of "homogeneity" of paths: Thus walk to the office is interpreted as telic, whereas walk toward the office is atelic. The paper also defines symmetric locatives like across the street as determing "symmetric" paths, which are closed under path-converse relation. The paper interprets English locatives in terms of purely spatial concepts, so this approach provides a unified account of quantization of locative PPs as well as argument NPs based on telicity of eventuality.
'-이나'와 '-도'의 의미론 : 분류사구와 결합하는 경우를 중심으로
정대호,이정민,남승호 서울대학교 어학연구소 2002 語學硏究 Vol.38 No.1
This paper concerns the syntactic, semantic, prosodic, and pragmatic differences that Classifier Phrase(CLP)-ina and CLP-to display in Korean. We first characterize the syntactic-semantic differences between CLP-ina and CLP-to in positive/negative sentences, after/before-clauses, and their relative order in a negative sentence. Further we note the two reveal different scope behavior with other scope bearing elements: e.g., CLP-ina has scope over the negation or the comparative operator, while CLP-to has scope under these operators. To account for these, the paper analyzes CLP-to as a negative polarity expression and CLP-ina as a positive polarity expression. As a positive polarity expression, CLP-ina is interpreted as a focus and receives a focal accent. In contrast, as a negative polarity expression, CLP-to is interpreted as a presupositional or topical element in the discourse and does not receive a focal accent. Extending the claim of Lee, Chung, and Nam's (2000), we claim that both CLP-ina and CLP-to denote a lower bound in the likelihood scale that is pragmatically determined in the discourse context.
Symmetric Paths: Their Structures and Relations
Nam, Seungho Korean Society for Language and Information 2013 언어와 정보 Vol.17 No.1
The goal of this paper is two-fold: (i) the paper aims to characterize unique semantics of so called "symmetric" locatives like across the street - this will provide a guiding semantics for annotating a variety of paths; and (ii) the paper claims that we need "symmetric" paths to give a unified account of the various semantic effects of symmetric locatives. The paper illustrates several semantic effects induced by symmetric locatives: (i) symmetric underspecification, (ii) path-/event-quantification, (iii) static symmetric relations, and (iv) the symmetric inference by the adverb back. The paper defines the semantic class of symmetric locatives, and accounts for the symmetry effects in terms of properties and relations of Path Structure proposed by Nam (1995).
로망스제어 불규칙 동사 어미의 발달 -스페인어 동사 soy, estoy, voy, doy, hay를 중심으로-
남승호 ( Nam Seungho ) 한국스페인어문학회(구 한국서어서문학회) 2021 스페인어문학 Vol.- No.98
This work studies the origin and function of the irregular ending of Spanish which is observed in the verbs soy, estoy, voy, doy and hay through an active comparison between different Romance languages. The fact that Portuguese and Catalan present the same or almost the same distribution of the aforementioned irregular ending in their own verbs except in the impersonal verb of existence conceives the need to study separately the personal verbs and the impersonal verb when investigating the origin of the irregular ending [i̯] in Spanish and the notion that Romance languages must share the same origin for the irregularity of the personal verbs while the irregularity of the impersonal verb is merely typical to Spanish. After justifying the need for interlinguistic comparison and for the separation of the two types of verb, this work looks for the origin of the irregular ending [i̯] of the personal verbs in the prosodic constraint of bimoraic foot proposed by Martínez-Gil(2009a) and complements the defects found in this preceding work, in addition to reinforcing it by demonstrating the conjunction between the verb dar and the pronominal clitics. In the case of the impersonal verb, this work attributes its irregularity to the now-disappeared locative clitic (h)y.