미국의 남ㆍ북한 정부 수립에 대한 인식 —태평양문제연구회(IPR)와 그 기관지를 중심으로—

고정휴 역사학연구회 2008 사총 Vol.67 No.-

Korea was emancipated from the control of Japan on August 15, 1945. Koreans were then convinced that Japan's defeat in World War II would bring about real liberation from foreign powers and lead to the establishment of an autonomous, homogeneous country. Contrary to their conviction, two Koreas with opposite political systems and ideologies emerged on the Korean peninsula three years later. This paper presents how American intellectuals viewed the progress of the separation of Korea after liberation, on the basis of New York-based IPR's journals such as Pacific Affairs and Far Eastern Survey. The two Journals were selected as the sources of this research because the IPR, founded in 1925, had shown interest in Korean affairs and most American experts on Korea had kept relationships with this institute. This research can be summarized as follows. First, the American intellectuals considered that the US' and USSR's occupation of South and North Korea, respectively, resulted in the establishment of the two Koreas. Second, they had a negative view of the extreme rightist ideology and of the future of the Syngman Rhee Government. Third, they were much concerned that the establishment of two hostile Korean Governments would lead to a civil war on the Korean peninsula. Last, they expressed a wish that a new democratic government like the US would be founded on the Korean peninsula.

특집논문 : 1948년 남북한 건국과 동북아 열강들의 인식 ; 미국의 남,북한 정부 수립에 대한 인식 -태평양문제연구회(IPR)와 그 기관지를 중심으로-

고정휴 ( Jung Hyoo Ko ) 역사학연구회 ( 구 고대사학회 ) 2008 사총 Vol.67 No.-

북한의 역사 교육체계 확립과 민족해방운동사 인식

김재웅 ( Kim Jae-woong ) 고려대학교 역사연구소(구 역사학연구회) 2021 사총 Vol.102 No.-

신생 국가들 대부분이 그렇듯 북한에서도 역사는 자신의 정체성을 기억하고 계승해야 할 과제와 직결된 중대 관심사였다. 북한의 정치인들은 자국의 역사적 정체성과 관련해 그들이 직접 참여한 항일투쟁의 경험에 주목했다. 그것은 그들의 새로운 전통으로 자리매김 될 수 있는 영예로운 소재였다. 따라서 어느 시기의 역사보다도 민족해방운동사를 비롯한 최근사가 중시되는 경향을 보였다. 이 연구는 해방 직후 북한에서 역사 교육체계가 재건되는 과정과 민족해방운동을 둘러싼 사관이 변모해가는 과정을 살피고자 한다. 그 과정을 추적하는 작업은 북한 역사학이 발원하고 그 성격이 형성되는 양상을 드러낼 수 있다. 오늘날 독자적 학문 영역에 위치하기보다 정치적 목표에 봉사하는 경향이 있는 북한 역사학의 성격 형성이 언제 어떤 과정을 거쳐 이루어졌는지 그 시원을 추적하는 일은 현시점에서 매우 의미 있는 작업이다. After liberation from colonial rule by Japanese Imperialism, Korean schools focused on Korean language and history education. Like Hangeul education, history education tended to be emphasized in terms of nationality recovery. Like most emerging countries, history in North Korea was a major concern, directly connected to the task of remembering and inheriting its identity. North Korean politicians paid attention to the experiences of the anti-Japanese Imperialism struggle in which they directly participated in relation to their own historical identity. It was an honorable subject that could be taken pride in as their new tradition. Therefore, the recent histories including the history of the national liberation movements tended to be regarded more important than the histories of any period. This study aims to examine the process of establishment of the history education system in North Korea immediately after liberation and the transformation of historical view surrounding the national liberation movements. The work of tracing the process can reveal the aspect in which North Korean history originated and its characters were formed. It is a very meaningful work to trace the origin of the character formation of North Korea’s history, which tends to serve political goals rather than being positioned in its own academic field today. In short, this study intends to examine how the historical science and the history education system in North Korea were born immediately after liberation, and how North Korea’s historical science created a new tradition and its own identity.

소련의 남북한 정부수립에 대한 인식 —1948년도 『프라우다』 관련 기사를 중심으로—

기광서 역사학연구회 2008 사총 Vol.67 No.-

This study was to assess the level of recognition and position of The Soviet Union on the process of the establishment of the governments of North and South Korea, centering on the analyses of articles on the Korean Peninsular published in "Pravda" in 1948. Moscow insisted that direct responsibility for the division of Korea was in the policy developed by the American governing power and the right-wing forces led by Rhee Seung Man. The Soviet Union turned its attention to the swirling political situation of South Korea, considering the establishment of South Korea government as a product of American support and oppressive politics. That only a minority of right-wing political parties and social organizations participated in the establishment of the South Korean government was used as a ground to confirm the 'validity' of this suggestion. Officially, The Soviet Union perceived the establishment process of the North Korean government, that is, the election of the Supreme People's Assembly, constitution decisions, and governmental organization as the direction of Korean peninsular unification. Of course, The Soviet leadership pursued a unification policy led by left-wing parties. However, when it realized this was impossible, and an independent North Korean government was established, Kremlin couldn't help accepting this government as being nationally representative. Therefore, it was natural for The Soviet Union to maintain that North Korea government led by Kim Il Sung was receiving support from all koreans. The recognition of USSR on the government establishment in North-South was hardly different from that of North Korea governing forces. The assertion by North Korea that South Korea was a puppet state and North Korea was a unified government was also that of The Soviet Union.

한국 도시사 연구에 대한 비평과 전망

민유기 역사학연구회 2007 사총 Vol.64 No.-

As the urban issues have become an important social problem recently in Korea, the interest in the urban history has increased. In this article, the course of Korean urban history research is envisioned through the critics on the researches in recent 10 years in Korea. Since nineteen sixties, the urban history research in Europe and the United States has developed and expanded its boundary, absorbing the methods of political, economical, social and cultural history research. These urban history have shown that the city should be considered as a structure and subject of social and cultural changes and, accordingly, the research analyzes every vestige of human activity in a city. The urban history in Korean, on the other hand, had been focused on the ‘town's history’ whereas the urban history research remained in its rudimentary stage. However, in recent 10 years, there were interesting studies on the open ports and Seoul when it was under the rule of Japanese imperialism. Dealing with the various aspects of the colonial city, these studies analyze the urbanization, modernization, colonial power, distorted commercial and industrial development, segregation of space and cultural change. The result from them would arouse the further urban history studies. The followings are required for the future of urban history study in Korea: 1.The period and area in the research, which is focused on the Japanese imperialism period and Seoul, should be expanded. 2.The diverse subject should be studied. 3.The theory and method of the urban history in Europe and the United States should be critically applied. 4.The interdisciplinary research between the various fields of the urban studies should be encouraged.

중세 일본 표류민․피로인의 발생과 거류의 흔적

김보한 역사학연구회 2009 사총 Vol.88 No.-

The article studied the group of merchant's residences in Japan, an economic meaning of castaways and abductees, and economic profits to get by through the repatriation in the history of Japan. In the 12th century East Asia, the trade system of the Song Dynasty was the center. Japan administered Kourokan (鴻臚館) in Hakata where foreign merchants especially from Song stayed when they visited Japan. There are traces which merchants from the Song Dynasty lived in Hakata and Hirato. Japanese merchants normally traded with the Koryeo dynasty since it could not trade with China directly. The purpose of Japanese merchants was an economic gain through trade. Japanese merchants were able to go to Korea by two Jinbong-ships(進奉船) in once every year. In other words, the Jinbong ships were like a window of Korea and Japan commercial relations. As for Japanese merchants, they were also an imperial grant to carry presents from the Koryeo Dynasty. The castaways and abductees traveled through Japan, starting from Kumju to Dazaifu and to Tsusima and finally settled in all parts of Japan. Tsusima did an important role in the meanwhile, since it was the major site of negotiations with the Koryeo Dynasty. Generally, Japan was very enthusiastic in the repatriations of castaways and abductees in the 13th century. However in the 14th century a lot of Wakou (倭寇) were cropped out and Korai was dangerous. As a result, the frequencies of repatriation of the castaways disminished while the those of the abductees became flourished. And the group settlement places of the castaways and abductees mainly were Hakata, Hakata, Hirado and Bounotsu etc. The abductees who resided in Japan increased in the period of the Joseon Dynasty, which enabled Japan to implement a positive repatriation policy.

제2차 세계대전 이후 미국의 유럽통합정책

김승렬 역사학연구회 2002 史叢 Vol.55 No.-

백제 부흥 운동과 야마토 정권

이재석 역사학연구회 2003 사총 Vol.57 No.-

660年羅·唐連合軍の攻擊によって百濟は滅亡した. しかし, その後百濟ではいわゆる百濟復興運動が活發に起った. 百濟復興運動の勢力は, 當時倭國に滯留していた百濟の王子豊璋を百濟王として向かえ, 決戰の態勢を整えた. 彼らは日本列島のヤマト政權からの政治的·軍事的支援を得ていたので, 戰爭の樣相は羅·唐連合軍と百濟·倭連合軍との對決という形になっていた. その兩側の決戰が663年8月の白村江の戰いであった. ところで, ヤマト政權の百濟復興運動への介入をめぐっては, 今だ明らかでない點が多い. たとえばその參戰の理由や百濟の王子豊璋の冊立問題などがそれである. ここでは主としてこうした問題を檢討した. まずヤマト政權の參戰の理由については, 從來より諸說があるわけであるが, 私は羅·唐連合勢力の日本列島への侵入を恐れていたヤマト政權が, それを未然に防ぐために, 百濟救援の場に出兵したとする見解を示した. そして王子豊璋の冊立問題については, 彼はやはり百濟に歸ってから百濟遺民勢力によってはじめて百濟王になったとみるべきであって, 倭王から冊封されたのではないということを論じた.

중일전쟁 전후 대일 협력자 ‘汪精衛集團’의 형성(1928~1938)

박상수 역사학연구회 2007 사총 Vol.65 No.-

This article analyses the formation process of pro-Japanese collaborators called "Wang Jingwei Group" or "Wang Jingwei Faction" in the history of Sino-Japanese War. The members of this group were originated from different political positions, but would being work with Wang during the war. First, the core of group was consisted of anti-Jiang Jieshi politicians, regrouping themselves under the name of Reorganization Faction (Gaizu pai) in 1928; second, members of the Low-Tone Club (Didiao julebu) advocating a conciliatory approach to, not war against, the Japanese aggressors within the National Government; third, anti-Communists disguised under the grey literature study group, Association of Art and Literature(Yiwen yanjiuhui). The larger part of the latter two groups was not originally Wang’s supporters, but they were in the same position with Wang in reference to Japan and Communists. Wang group’s collaboration with Japan was based on their original discourse of peace. After the Mukden Incident of September 18, 1931, Wang Jingwei, as responsible person of Chinese diplomacy, advocates "combination of resistance and negotiation", but he begins to attach importance to the latter around 1935, when the Chinese army in the North repeated defeats in the battles with Japanese aggressors. The breaking out of total war in 1937 makes Wang’s group have more pessimistic vision about the future. At this point of time, Wang argues that the keeping the peace with Japan is the only way to maintain the Chinese survival and sovereignty. Wang’s group launches for themselves a series of negotiation with Japan, in opposition to the National Government controlled by Jiang Jieshi and advocators of resistance war. According to the authors, the formation of ‘Wang Jingwei group’ was not the result of Japanese tactical inducement, but originated from the group’s own view to the Japan’s power and to China’s weakness and its own peace discourse. On the other hand, the reason why Japan had chosen Wang Jingwei as a partner was that his own political authority would facilitate a peaceful settlement. However, ‘Japan’ was not a single entity: within Japan, ‘expansionists’ and ‘anti-expansionists’ have widely divided opinions on the solution to the war. This Japanese complexity threw the pro-Japanese collaborator "Wang Jingwei Group" into confusion and a lot of difficulties.

서양 중세 도시사 연구의 시각과 쟁점 - 프랑스를 중심으로 -

강일휴 역사학연구회 2007 사총 Vol.65 No.-

The history of medieval cities in Europe was dominated by idea put forward by the Belgian historian Henri Pirenne. He thought that international trade in Mediterranean had survived the Germanic invasion and the fall of the Roman Empire. On the other hand, when at the beginning of the eighth century international trade collapsed because of the Arab conquest of the western Mediterranean, cities disappeared. He insisted that the tenth-century revival of trade explain the renaissance of urban life. And he thought that medieval cities shook the feudal system and established a sort of a liberal and democratic government. But many historians have abandoned his thesis. In this paper I try to sum up the trends and controversies concerning the studies of medieval cities since the latter half of the 20th century. Recent researches on medieval urban origins stress the continuity of settlement between the Roman and medieval because some roman cities were still functioning in the early Middle Ages. And some historians have paid attention to the role of the princely burgus in city formation. They have insisted that although a fortification was not a necessary precondition for the formation of medieval town, the protection which it gave was a stimulus to the formation of the town. Besides many feudal lords adopted the policy for the development of burgus. Lastly, regional researches are showing that although long-distance commerce were the major element in continued urban growth, the role played by long-distance trade in the rise of the medieval town has been overemphasized. Recent work has shown that the development of countryside and local trade was important in the formation of medieval cities. In conclusion, recent researches have modified and nuanced the interpretations of Pirenne concerning the urban origins. The Pirenne's theory that the origin of medieval citizens was found in the "wandering merchant" have been accepted by many scholars. According the theory, peddlers of uncertain origin traveled throughout Europe. These merchants eventually took up permanent residence beside the wall of old Roman cities. This hypothesis has been abandoned by many historians. In fact many regional researches reveal that medieval citizens came from the countryside surrounding the city. It is widely recognized that the relationship between city and country was a close one. On the other hand, it has traditionally been told that medieval cities of Europe were free. But recently as research on the western and oriental cities proceeds, the credibility of this old proportion are all the more dwindling. In France at least, the liberty which cities have acquired from their lords were, in fact, a mere privilege.