In vivo gene therapy of type I diabetic mellitus using a cationic emulsion containing an Epstein Barr Virus (EBV) based plasmid vector

Yoo, Hyuk Sang,Mazda, Osam,Lee, Hyeon Yong,Kim, Jin Chul,Kwon, Seok Min,Lee, Jung Eun,Kwon, Ick Chan,Jeong, Hesson,Jeong, Yu Seok,Jeong, Seo Young Elsevier 2006 Journal of controlled release Vol.112 No.1

<P><B>Abstract</B></P><P>A cationic emulsion containing an insulin expression plasmid was prepared for the treatment of type 1 diabetic mellitus (DM) in vivo. A rat proinsulin-1 gene was inserted to EBV-based plasmid vectors containing CAG promoter. Cationic emulsion composed of DOTAP and squalene was complexed with the plasmid DNA. An intravenous injection of cationic emulsion containing proinsulin gene decreased blood glucose levels for 7 days within normal range. The cationic emulsion exerted more profound effect on blood glucose levels compared to naked DNA. RT-PCR results confirmed that the proinsulin was expressed in several organs containing liver, lung, spleen, and kidney. The refractory response was invoked by multiple injections of naked DNA or cationic emulsion/DNA complex, which was later proven to be an immune response against expressed proinsulin. Therefore, the cationic emulsion showed a promising result as a novel insulin gene therapy vehicle by decreasing blood glucose level for a month.</P>

Simulation and optimization of ethanol amine production plant

Gholamreza Zahedi,Saeideh Amraei,Mazda Biglari 한국화학공학회 2009 Korean Journal of Chemical Engineering Vol.26 No.6

An industrial Ethanol Amine (EA) production plant was simulated and optimized. Due to lack of accurate reaction rate information, the first step involved obtaining reliable kinetic data from the SRI (Stanford Research Institute) industrial database and calculation using error minimization method. In the next step, by implementing the obtained reaction kinetics the whole plant was simulated using Hysys software. Simulation results were compared with the SRI data and showed that there is acceptable agreement between simulation and the measured industrial data. In the next step of study by applying the gradient search (GS) optimization technique the plant was optimized using: feeding ammonia to ethylene oxide (EO) molar ratio, water flow rate in the feed stream, and reactor temperature as optimization variables. Employing process profit as objective function the optimal operating conditions were found to be: ammonia to EO ratio of 5 (mol/mol), water flow rate of 52.59 kg mol/hr and reactor temperature of 85 ℃.

벼-보리 작부지대(作付地帶) 유기물연용시용법(有機物連用施用法) 연구(硏究)

한규흥,나오도 마즈다,노태홍,Han, Gyu-Heung,Mazda, Naodo,Roh, Tae-Hong 한국토양비료학회 1986 한국토양비료학회지 Vol.19 No.4

The fertilizer experiment was conducted to establish a pattern of a continuous application of organic matter in rice-barley cropping system. Fine textured gray lowland soil was used to grow the crops. The amount of nitrogen absorption and the yield of the crops were the highest in barnyard manure 1,000kg/10a. A correlation among the content of humus and nitrogen, the amount of nitrogen absorption, and the yield was significant while it was not significant among the the nitrogen content of the soil fertility, the total nitrogen, and the yield of crops. The result of this research suggests that revelation of available nitrogen after the decomposition of the organic matter depending on climate and regions should be studied for the organic matter application in due season. 벼-보리 작부시(作付時) 유기물연용(有機物連用) 시용방법(施用方法)을 확립(確立)하기 위(爲)하여 각(各) 작기별(作期別)로 유기물자재(有機物資材) 및 시용량(施用量)을 달리하여 세립회색(細粒灰色) 저지토(低地土)에서 시험(試驗)한 결과(結果)는 다음과 같다. 1) 토양중(土壤中) 부식함량(腐植含量)과 전질소함량(全窒素含量)은 볏짚 환원구(還元區)를 제외(除外)한 모든 유기물(有機物) 시용구(施用區)에서 증가(增加)되었고 그중(中) 퇴비배량구(堆肥倍量區)가 제일(第一) 높았다. 2) 추출질소(抽出窒素)(지력질소(地力窒素))는 볏짚+보리짚 시용구(施用區)에서 분해과정(分解過程)이 지연(遲延)됨에 따라 수확기(收穫期) 잔존량(殘存量)이 제일(第一) 많았으며 완숙퇴비(完熟堆肥) 시용구(施用區)에서는 오히려 적었다. 3) 질소흡수량(窒素吸收量) 및 수량(收量)은 퇴비배량구(堆肥倍量區)에서 높았고 부식함량(腐植含量), 전질소(全窒素), 질소흡수량(窒素吸收量) 및 수량간(收量間)의 상호관계(相互關係)는 유의성(有意性)있는 상관(相關)을 나타냈으나 추출질소(抽出窒素)와 전질소(全窒素) 및 수량간(收量間)에는 유의성(有意性)이 없었다. 4) 유기물(有機物) 시용(施用)에 의(依)한 토양(土壤)의 화학적(化學的) 성질(性質) 변화(變化)는 인산(燐酸)과 가리(加里)는 각(各) 유기물(有機物) 시용구(施用區), C. E. C는 퇴비시용구(堆肥施用區)에서 다소(多少) 높았으며 물리성(物理性) 변화(變化)는 거의 없었다.

<일반논문> : 시가 기요시(志賀潔)와 식민지 조선

마쓰다도시히코 한림대학교 일본학연구소 2014 翰林日本學 Vol.0 No.25

시가 기요시(1871-1957)는 일본의 저명한 세균학자로 주로 1945년 이전에 활동하였다. 그러나 시가가 연구자로서의 인생 후반의 10여 년 간을 식민지 조선에서 보냈다는 사실은 거의 알려져 있지 않다. 시가는 1920년에 조선총독부의원장(醫院長) 겸 경성의학전문학교 교장으로서 조선에 건너 왔다. 1926년 경성제국대학 개교와 관련해서는 비록 실현은 하지 못하였으나 미국식 기독의학 과 임상의학을 연계하려고 구상하기도 하였다. 이후 경성제국대학 의학부장을 거쳐 1929년에 는 경성제국대학 총장에 취임하여 1931년 총장으로 퇴직할 때까지 조선에서 활동한 기간은 10 여년에 이른다. 본 논문에서는 학술연구와 식민지주의라는 문제를 체현하는 인물로서 시가 기 요시의 업적에 대해 고찰하였다. 시가 기요시는 주관적으로는 가치중립주의적인 학문 태도를 신조로 삼는 학자였으나, 그가 속한 전염병 연구소(후에 기타사토연구소)는 실학적 지향이 강하며, 시가도 결핵과 각기병과 같은 국민병의 조사와 예방 캠페인을 통해서 사회와 접점을 가지게 된다. 따라서 시가 본인 스 스로는 순수한 학문연구와 국가공헌 이라는 양자 사이에 모순되는 바 없이 한결같다고 생각하 고 있었으나, 식민지조선으로 공간을 옮기면 그러한 그의 생각이 지니는 정치성이 뜻밖의 곳 에서 표면화된다. 시가는 조선에서 서양의학의 보급을 중시하며 조선인 의학자 육성에 힘을 쏟은 한편, 전통 적인 한방의학 (의생)에 대해서는 일방적인 교화의 대상으로 여겼다. 뿐 만 아니라, 경성의학전문학교 교장으로 재직하던 시절 일어난 구보사건(1921년)과 관련 하여서도 일본인 교수의 차별발언에 조선인학생들의 항의에 대해서도 그는 끝내 조선학생을 이해하지 못했다. 또한 경성제국대학시대는 한센병 연구에 주력하였으나, 한센병 치료를 둘러싸고 구미인 선 교사와 조선총독부 간에 헤게모니 경쟁이 일어나자, 시가의 한센병 대책을 둘러싼 언설 또한 1920년대 후반 치료퇴원주의로에서 30년대 초 강제격리주의로 급전환하게 된다. 조선총독부 의 한센병 대책과의 관련이 농후하다.

志賀潔と植民地朝鮮

마쓰다도시히코 ( Toshihiko Matsuda ) 한림대학교 일본학연구소 2014 翰林日本學 Vol.0 No.25

志賀潔(1871∼1957年)は、赤痢菌の註見で著名な戰前日本の細菌學者である。しかし、志賀潔 が、硏究者としての後半生10數年間を植民地朝鮮で送ったことはほとんど知られていない。志賀は、1920 年に朝鮮綜督府醫院長兼京城醫學專門學校校長として朝鮮に渡った。1926年、京城帝國大學の創設 においては、實現はしなかったもののアメリカ式の基礎醫學と臨床醫學の連繼を構想した。そして、京城帝 國大學が開學すると同醫學部長、ついで1929年に京城帝國大學總長に就任した。1931年京城帝國大 學總長を辭職するまで朝鮮での活動期間は10余年にわたる。 本稿では、學術硏究と植民地主義という問題を體現する人物として志賀を取りあげ考察した。志賀潔 は、主關的には價値中立主義的な學問的態度を信條とした。しかし、志賀の屬した傳染病硏究所(後に 北里硏究所)は實學志向を襁く持ち、志賀も結核や脚麒の調査や予防キャンペ-ンを通じて社會との接 点をもつことになった。志賀本人としては、純隧な學問硏究と國家への貢憲は矛盾なく結びついていたと思 われるが、植民地朝鮮という磁場ではそうした思想の政治性がはしなくも表面化した。 志賀は朝鮮において西洋醫學の普及を重視し朝鮮人醫學者の育成に力を入れた反面、傳統的な漢 方醫(醫生)は一方的な敎化對象と見なした。また、京城醫學轉門學校校長時代に起こった久保事件 (1921年)においては、日本人敎授の差別發言に對する朝鮮人學生の抗議を理解することができなかっ た。京城帝國大學時代はハンセン病硏究に注力したが、その硏究は嘔米人宣敎師と朝鮮總督府の醫療 をめぐるヘゲモニ-競爭という文脈の中に置かれていた。志賀のハンセン病對策をめぐる言設が、1920年 代後半における治癒退院主義から30年代初期の襁制隔離主義へと大きく專換したことも、朝鮮總督府の ハンセン病政策と關連していた可能性がある。 Kiyoshi Shiga (1871-1957) was an eminent Japanese bacteriologist who built his career as a scholar before 1945. However, it is a very little-known fact that he spent ten years of his later life in Japanese-ruled Joseon. Shiga came to Joseon in 1920 as a clinical manager in the Japanese Government-General of Joseon and also Principal of Gyeongseong Medical College. Although he did not complete his plan, he tried to connect American Christian medicine with clinical medicine when Gyeongseong Medical College opened in 1926. His career in Joseon ranged over 10 years; through the medical director of Gyeongseong Medical College to its president in 1929; he retired as president in 1931. This study examines his achievements as a person representing issues about academic research and colonialism. Shiga thought his principle was value neutrality, but the direction of the Infectious Diseases Institute (later the Kitasato Institute) he belonged to was very practical; he came to have a point of contact with society through research into national diseases like tuberculosis and beriberi, and preventive campaigns against them. Therefore, it can be said that the political nature that his thought implied came to the surface within the bounds of colonized Joseon in an unexpected way, though he himself believed that there was no contradiction between his academic research and contribution to the state. While Shiga regarded as important the dissemination of Western medicine in Joseon and made every effort to foster Korean medical scientists, he considered oriental medicine (physicians of the traditional school) as a mere object of reformation. Furthermore, when the Kubo case happened in 1921 during his term of office, he could never understand Korean students’ protest against the Japanese professor’s discriminating remarks toward Koreans. Shiga focused on Hansen’s disease during his period at Gyeongseong Imperial University. When some hegemonic competition occurred between Western missionariesand the Japanese Government-General of Joseon over the treatment of Hansen’s disease, his comments on the treatment of the disease showed a sudden change from the hospital treatment principle of the late 1920s to the forced segregation principle in the early 1930s. His involvement in the Japanese Government-General of Joseon’s management over Hansen’s disease was quite substantial.

日本陸軍의 中國大陸侵略政策과 朝鮮-1910-1915年

마쓰다도시히코 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2003 한국문화 Vol.31 No.-

In the first part of the 1910s, the Japanese army considered colonial Korea as an important foothold to invade the Chinese Continent. TERAUCHI Masatake, the Governor-General of Korea and his followers attempted to push forward with an expansive continental policy, particularly during the Xinhai Revolution in China and the First World War, when the army was known to activate its maneuvers to invade China. Commonly found in their behavior during both the periods are these points. First, the army planned to mobilize its units stationed in Korea perceiving that the strategic significance of Korea was mainly in its location behind Manchuria, where Japan had a lot of rights and interests. Secondly, an active continental policy was also required to stabilize the Japanese rule of the colonial Korea. Thirdly, those who were much concerned with the military plans of 1911 and the years of World War I, such as AKASHI Motojirou, thought that a military approach rather than a diplomatic one was needed to China, considering the experience Japan had had in the course of the Annexation of Korea. It is likely that these frameworks of reference formed in 1910s regulated the behavior of the Japanese forces stationed in Korea after 1920s.

학술정보 2 : 책 번역 ; 한방치료에 필요한 기초 지식

마쯔다쿠니오,이니키카즈모토,변성희(역) 대구한의대학교 제한동의학술원 2004 東西醫學 Vol.29 No.3

도시의 전통적축제와 그 재생

松平誠 韓日問題硏究所 1993 韓日問題硏究 Vol.1 No.-

세기 전환기 식민지 표상과 인간 전시 제국 ‘일본’의 박람회를 중심으로

마쓰다 교코 문화사학회 2013 역사와 문화 Vol.26 No.-

This paper examines how the representation of the culture of ‘others’ through colonial and human exhibitions in the early 20th century Japan connected to conἀgurate anthropological knowledge and the expansion of Japanese empire. The first human exhibition was held at the Anthropological Gallery of the Domestic Industrial Exhibition in 1903. Tsuboi Shogoro, professor of anthropology of Tokyo Imperial University and his anthropology laboratory, strongly supported the formation of the Anthropological Gallery. Professor Tsuboi appraised the importance of the exhibition in order to the popularize the anthropological knowledge. The 1912 Colonial Exhibition in Tokyo was the more huge and systematic human exhibition. In the 1912 Exhibition not only Indigenous Peoples of Taiwan but Sakhalin and Hokkaido exhibited.

학술정보 2 : 한방치료에 필요한 기초 지식

마쯔다쿠니오,이나키카즈모토,변성희(역) 대구한의대학교 제한동의학술원 2005 東西醫學 Vol.31 No.2