“New Women for a New Saudi Arabia?” Gendered Analysis of Saudi Vision 2030 and Women’s Reform Policies

Ikran Eum 숙명여자대학교 아시아여성연구원 2019 Asian Women Vol.35 No.3

Saudi society has undergone tremendous changes since the Crown Prince’s declaration of Saudi Vision 2030 in 2016. In the process of realizing Saudi Vision 2030, “moderate Islam” and “Saudi First” nationalism have appeared as a new state ideology, replacing ultra conservative Wahhabism-based religious nationalism. Within this paradigm shift, Saudi women, previously restricted to the private realm and therefore “invisible,” have emerged as “visible” participants in the public arena. However, the limitations of women’s reform policy are revealed by, inter alia, by the government’s crackdown of several women’s rights activists in early 2018 and the ensuing Saudi–Canada diplomatic dispute. This paper examines the characteristics and limitations of Saudi Vision 2030 and related reform policies from a gender perspective by elucidating state and women’s relations within the context of existing literature. This article highlights that the new policies are not intended to expand women’s rights per se, but contribute to the expansion of the Saudi economy and reinforce the Crown Prince’s leadership. Saudi Arabia thus follows the suit with other patriarchal Arab countries’ modernization and reform processes in which women’s role and images are constructed by state policy and ideology.

History of Feminism and Veililng and Unveiling Trends in Egypt

Ikran, Eum Hankuk University of Foreign Studies. Graduate Sch 2000 Journal of international studies Vol.1 No.2

"Urfi marriage, an Egyptian Version of Cohabitation?

IkRan Eum(엄익란) 한국중동학회 2005 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.25 No.2

  글자 그대로 풀이하면 우르피 결혼은 “관습 혼”, 혹은 “사실혼”을 지칭한다. “관습 혼”이 암시하듯 이집트에서 행해지는 우르피 결혼의 전통은 길다. 그러나 우르피 결혼은 부부가 결혼 계약서를 법원에 등록하지 않는다는 점과 결혼 후 그들만의 보금자리를 따로 꾸미지도 않는다는 점에서 일반적인 결혼과는 구별된다.<BR>  결혼 후 한 지붕 아래에서 살지 않는 이들을 부부로서 묶어주는 끈은 임의로 작성한, 정부에 등록되지 않은, 결혼 계약서와 성 관계뿐이다. 비록 정부에 등록되지 않는 우르피 결혼의 특성으로 인하여 그 정확한 숫자를 집계하기는 어렵지만 오늘날 이집트 일부 젊은이들 간에 우르피 결혼이 성행하고 있다고 알려져 있다. 이를 반영하듯 최근 이집트의 텔레비전 프로그램이나 영화는 일부 젊은이들 간에 행해지고 있는 우르피 결혼에 대한 주제를 종종 다루고 있다.<BR>  오늘날 일부 젊은이들 간에 행해지고 있는 우르피 결혼을 분석한 본 논문에서는 합법적인 이슬람식 결혼의 충족 요건과 우르피 결혼의 비교를 통해 우르피 결혼의 적법성 여부를 이슬람법 틀에서 토론하였다. 또 우르피 결혼과 비슷한 결혼 형태인 이란의 무타 혼과 사우디아라비아의 미스야르혼을 소개하고, 이에 대한 남녀의 의식차이와 그 원인을 분석하였다. 마지막으로 본 논문에서는 오늘날 이집트 일부 젊은이들이 왜 우르피 결혼을 선택하고 있는지 그 이유를 분석하고, 다음과 같은 잠정적인 결론에 도달하였다.<BR>  우르피 결혼은 - 현재 이집트 사회가 직면한 경제적 악재 속에서 - 한편으로는 외부, 특히 서구의 개방 문화를 수용하고, 다른 한편으로는 보수적인 이슬람의 규범들을 준수하려는 젊은이들의 변명 섞인 선택으로 해석되어 질 수 있다. 우르피 결혼을 통해 젊은이들은 이슬람에서 금지된 혼전성관계를 맺고, 이를 통해 보수적인 이슬람 사회에서 나름대로 이성에 대한 애정과 성 의식을 표현한다. 하지만 젊은이들은 이슬람식 결혼의 필수요소인 - 비록 상징적이긴 하지만 - 마흐르와 두 증인의 존재를 내세워 자신들의 결혼에 정통성과 정당성을 부여하고, 이를 통해 죄책감에서 해방되려 한다. 이집트의 우르피 결혼은 비록 서구의 동거 패턴과는 다르지만 경제 상황을 고려한 젊은이들의 애정과 성 욕구 해결이라는 맥락에서 이집트 판 동거로 간주되어 질 수 있겠다.

Consumerism and Negotiations for Marriage among the Middle-and Upper-Class Muslims in Cairo

( Ikran Eum ) 한국외국어대학교 외국학종합연구센터 2004 International Area Studies Review Vol.7 No.2

니따까트 제도 도입에 따른 사우디 여성의 노동시장 진출 향방 연구

엄익란 ( Ikran Eum ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2015 중동연구 Vol.34 No.2

Saudi Arabia has worked to nationalize its labor force (so-called Saudization) since the middle of the 1990s, with the objective of solving chronic labor market problems that include a heavy reliance on foreign workers, and youth unemployment. However, as this policy has not achieved the desired outcomes, in June 2011 the Saudi government introduced the Nitaqat policy, which forces private companies to employ Saudi nationals according to a quota system. Whether or not the Nitaqat policy has been effective is controversial. Since there has been an increase in Saudi youth employment in the private realm, the Saudi government considers it a success, however more than 200,000 companies have closed, due to their employment of high cost, unproductive Saudi nationals. It seems that the Saudi government prefers to maintain the status quo of inner national security and stability, rather than strive for economic effectiveness, in order to prevent a second Arab Spring. Saudi women have been regarded as the biggest beneficiaries of the Nitaqat policy, as their employment rate increased eightfold by 2013. Taking the Nitaqat system and its controversial effectiveness into consideration, this study aims to explore the impacts of the Nitaqat policy on the Saudi economy and political system, and to predict possible changes to components of Saudi society that currently have negative perceptions of women’s work.

이란의 종교 민족주의 관점에서 본 여성의 머리카락과 히잡 연구

엄익란(Ikran Eum) 한국이슬람학회 2023 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.33 No.1

Since mid-September in 2022, anti-government protest sparked by anti-hijab protest have continued in Iran. Iranian women opposed the government’s compulsory hijab law with the slogan “Women, Life, Freedom”, and the scale of the protest mushroomed with participation of Iranian men and women in other countries through SNS. This study considered the less explored question of “why does women’s hair matter,” which triggered the current protest. Hair is a private component of the human body. However, it is revealed or hidden depending on the socio-cultural context, symbolizing women’s sexuality. Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979, the Islamic regime has strengthened religious nationalism, and hijab has become a political tool. And now, it is even expanding into a security issue of the regime, as the government pinpointed the US and Israel as being the behind the protest. This study aims to identify the relation between women’s hair and politicized hijab within the discourse of religious nationalism, which control Iranian women at various levels. This study is meaningful in that it analyzes hair and sexuality from the perspective of the Islamic public patriarchal system and add a new case study to the discourse on hijab by interpreting it from the discourse of religious nationalism.

사우디 스마트파워 구성요소 패러다임 전환이 사우디 리더십에 미치는 영향 연구: 사우디비전 2030 공표 이후 오일과 이슬람을 중심으로

엄익란 ( Ikran Eum ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2024 중동연구 Vol.42 No.3

This study investigates the paradigm shift in the components of Saudi Arabia’s smart power and its repercussions on Saudi leadership from both internal and external perspectives. Saudi Arabia has wielded smart power primarily through oil and Islam. However, in response to global transformations in energy dynamics, Saudi Arabia has embarked on industrial diversification policies to prepare for post-oil era. This shift in energy paradigms has prompted changes in Saudi Arabia’s religious landscape, with a move towards a more moderate interpretation of Islam and the promotion of secular nationalism. These transformations pose new challenges for Saudi leadership. Internally, there are concerns regarding the consolidation of authoritarianism and centralization of power within the regime. Externally, Saudi Arabia’s position as a regional leader faces challenges from neighboring countries pursuing similar models of industrial diversification. Additionally, while the adoption of moderate Islam may enhance Saudi Arabia’s global image, it concurrently diminishes its authority as a leading Islamic state within the Muslim world. This study, based on literature research, discusses the conceptual definition of smart power and its application within the context of Saudi Arabia.

Discussions on Gulf Women’s Subordinate Status from Triangular Structure and Future Perspectives

( Eum Ikran ) 단국대학교 GCC국가연구소 2019 걸프지역연구 Vol.4 No.1

The Gulf region has been known as the most conservative region regarding women’s status. Women have been treated as invisible in public spaces, and segregated and marginalized in the political, economic, and legal arenas. However, all Gulf governments declared their own Future Vision in order to prepare for the post-oil era, and using women, described as a great asset for the nations’ future, in the labor force is the prime concern. In order to introduce women into the labor force, governments are promoting policies for the nationalization of labor force, expecting women to replace the expat workers who currently compose more than 62% of the regional labor market. Even though women’s activities have expanded from the private realm to public spaces due to nationalization of the labor policies in the Gulf region, obstacles for women to work remain. To understand the context of the restrictions on women’s work, this article explores the roots and origins of Gulf women’s subordinate status through the lens of a triangular structure with religious/cultural, economic, and social dimensions.

COVID-19가 중동국가에 미치는 여파 연구: 인간안보 관점을 중심으로

엄익란 ( Ikran Eum ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2020 중동연구 Vol.39 No.2

The WHO declared COVID-19 as a ‘pandemic’ on 12 March 2020, and it signals a third wave with approaching the end of the year. COVID-19 has had serious impacts on the global economy and has brought about an abrupt change in daily life of people with ‘social distance’ measures. COVID-19 has shifted the traditional concept of national security from the perspective of infectious disease and human security. The Middle East is a fragile region in terms of human security, as defined by The United Nations Development Program(UNDP) in 1994. COVID-19 not only showed the countries’ weak medical system and national competence but also revealed the authoritarian nature of the political system of the Middle Eastern government, vulnerability to rent economy based on revenues from oil, tourism, overseas aid, and remittance. In addition, social tensions raised by sectarian conflict, social inequality, and gender discrimination as a result of COVID-19. These issues have existed even before the COVID-19 outbreak, however, it has surfaced the issues that were submerged during a peaceful period. The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of the COVID-19 outbreak in the Middle East countries from the perspective of human security. This study distinguishes previous studies that approach security issues of the Middle East, mainly from international relations.

Discourses on (Un)Veiling in Egypt

EUM, Ikran Asian Center Women's Studies Korean Women's Instit 2000 Asian Journal of Women's Studies(AJWS) Vol.6 No.4

Clothing is usually accepted as an aspect of the symbolic language of people and a form of an unspoken communication system (Lurie, 1986: 1). In other words, through clothes it is possible to express oneself using a "silent language" communicated through the use of visual, non-verbal symbols because these can sometimes implicitly tell us what people are thinking (Horn, 1975: 179).An item of clothing that has ignites one of the most controversial debates in the world is the veil of Muslim women. In this era. where the freedom of individuals in considered important, many people view the veil as oppressive. The origin of the controversy over Muslim women's veiling and unveiling can be traced back to the colonial era, when the Middle East was ruled by western powers. Interpretations about the veil have undergone many changes through history and both positive and negative view points about it are to be found. On the one hand, many westerners who support the unveiling movement, see veiling as a marker of inequality, sexual oppression and subjugation (Mikhail, 1979: 22-3; Mince, 1980/1982; 49-50). On the other hand, supporters of the veiling movement, who are largely drawn from the indigenous Arab point of viw, perceive the veil as a marker of autonomy, individuality, and identity.