남송(南宋) 륙유(陸游) 차자문(劄子文) 소고(小考) -「대걸분병취산동차자(代乞分兵取山東劄子)」와 「상이부론도읍차자(上二府論都邑劄子)」를 중심으로

이기훈 ( Lee¸ Kihoon ) 한국중국산문학회 2020 중국산문연구집간 Vol.10 No.-

In the text above, the definition of Zhaziwen, the characteristics of Zhaziwen in Southern Song Dynasty, and the stylistic features of Lu You Zhaziwen were discussed. Lu You, also known as a patriotic poet, is not the only expression of his ideas in poetry. His prose works, especially those of government officials, and his participation in various political issues, are more deeply imbued with his ideas. With this premise, I analyzed the Zhaziwen of his reading. First of all, through the two sentences covered in this book, the stylistic characteristics of the Zhaziwen text can be summarized in several ways: First, it is as formal as possible when posting to the emperor or superior. Second, let's look at the opponent's arguments first. Third, since it is an official document, the basis of logic is essential.

일제강점기 도서지역의 교통과 일상생활

이기훈(Lee, Kihoon) 목포대학교 도서문화연구소 2015 島嶼文化 Vol.0 No.45

이 논문은 전통적인 바닷길의 속도와 특성이 근대적 선박과 해운업의 발전에 따라 어떻게 변화하게 되는지 고찰했다. 전통적인 해상교통이 부정기적이고 단절적으로 이루어졌다. 그러나 기선과 발동기선이 운항하면서 정해진 일시에 출발하고 거의 비슷한 속도로 정해진 항로를 주파하는 근대해상 교통망이 섬과 섬, 섬과 육지 사이에 형성되었다. 1900년 무렵 기선들이 처음 운행하며 연안항로가 정기화되기 시작했으며, 1910년대 섬과 항구들이 연결하는 항로망이 체계화되었다. 1920년대 들어서는 발동기선들이 급격히 늘어나면서 섬과 항구 사이를 운행하는 일상 노선들이 크게 활성화되었다. 처음에는 총독부나 관청의 보조를 받는 명령항로가 중심이 되었으나 점차 해상 교통이 활발해지면서 해운회사들이 자발적으로 운영하는 항로들의 비중이 크게 늘어났다. 근대해상교통이 활발해지면서 섬 주민들의 일상은 자본주의 상품 경제체제 속으로 더 강력하게 끌려 들어갔다. 생활을 위해서는 생산한 어물이나 농산물을 육지로 보내 팔아 오거나 아니면 도시로 나가 노동이라도 팔아야 했다. 교통로 상의 위치와 근대 교통에 대한 접근성이 섬 사람들의 생활수준에 지대한 영향을 미쳤다. 또 경제력도 새로운 해상교통수단을 얼마나 활용할 수 있는지 결정했다. 이렇게 되자 계급 간, 중심과 주변 간 격차는 점점 더 확대되었다. 한편 이익 확대에 급급한 해운자본의 등장은 대규모 해운사고를 확산시켰다. 풍랑이나 해일이 아니라 과적과 정원 초과, 과속 등으로 인한 해난사고가 일어났고, 인명피해의 규모는 더욱 커졌다. 속도와 규모만을 키운 식민지 근대의 어두운 그림자였다. This paper examines how the speed and characteristics of traditional maritime transportation has changed due to implementation of modern ships and developments in the shipping industry. For the most part, traditional maritime transportation was rather irregular and occasional. Since steam and motor ships were introduced, however, modern maritime transportation networks have been established between islands and the mainland. From then on, departing on a regular schedule with fixed routes and speeds started to become the norm. Steamboat operation on the coastal routes around the Korean Peninsula was regularized around 1900, and sea routes between islands and mainland ports were established in the 1910’s. With a sudden increase in the number of motorboats around 1920, daily routes grew rapidly. At first, sea routes were mainly subsidized lines directed by the Ex-Chosun Government General or local governments. But, as maritime transportation started to become more active, the share of lines operated by private shipping companies increased significantly. With the rise of modern maritime transportation, the life of island residents became more capitalism-oriented. To make a living, island people had to travel to the mainland to work or sell their fish or agricultural products. Eventually, their livelihood was greatly affected by factors such as where their home island was located, how much access they had to modern transportation means, and how much capital they had to afford the new maritime transportation. This led to increasing gaps between different social classes and between people who lived near hubs in the network and those living in more peripheral areas. On the other hand, many shipping companies were pushing themselves too hard to generate as much profit as possible. It resulted in a continued increase in the number of large-scale accidents and human casualties. These tragedies were not because of natural disasters like tsunamis and high winds; they were mostly men-made accidents caused by cargo/passenger overloading and speeding, casting shadows over the colonized peninsula.

근대 신화의 역설

이기훈(Lee Kihoon) 역사비평사 2018 역사비평 Vol.- No.123

Daedongyeojido is Korea’s treasured cultural heritage from the 19th century, representing the map making technology and the level of geographical studies of the times. Kim, Jung-ho, the mastermind behind the map, was an outstanding map maker. However, the legend that he surveyed the entire country by foot, that he climbed Mountain Baekdoo three times and that he lost his life because Heungsundaewongoon (father of King Kojong and the most powerful political figure at the time) did not like Kim Jung-ho, is all just a groundless myth. This paper investigates how this myth is created, expanded and continuously reproduced even to this day. This myth surrounding Kim was first initiated by Choi, Nam-sun, and was further developed into a plausible story by Shin, Young-chul and Choi, Jin-soon in an article in the monthly magazine. Choi N.S. portrayed Kim as a figure comparable to and even better than Japan’s Ino Tadataka. Shin and Choi J.S. added further features to the story. In this process, inaccurate information, exaggerations and out-right lies were added to the story, creating a ‘heroic tale’of Kim as a legendry figure. Daedongyeojido was denied of its actual value as a cultural heritage, and instead, used as a mere tool in the making of the myth of Kim as a ‘hero’. In his myth, Josoen is portrayed as a land of savage and unknown, and Kim is depicted as an explorer wondering around his country. This narrative results in the nationalistic myth paradoxically serving as self-denial. The story is ultimately introduced in the textbooks made by the Japanese Government-General of Korea. Becoming a textbook material, Kim’s story came to be known and accepted as common sense and even in the years that followed, Kim remained a national science hero, depicted as an eager, determined figure that epitomized the strong-willed Koreans. Kim’s myth is a clear example of how a made-up history with a specific purpose in mind can easily be transformed into an ideological tool to be used by those in power.

상관관계 분석을 통한 소비예측 시 필요 요소 도출 및 LSTM을 이용한 소비예측 모델

이기훈 ( Kihoon Lee ),김진아 ( Jinah Kim ),문남미 ( Nammee Moon ) 한국정보처리학회 2019 한국정보처리학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.26 No.1

오프라인 소비자의 의사결정은 크게 라이프스타일, 동기, 개성, 학습 등 개인적인 영향요인과 문화, 기후, 가족 등 기타 상황적 요인을 포함하는 환경적 영향요인에 의해 결정된다. 이러한 요인들을 입력 값으로 하는 다양한 딥러닝 모델을 이용한 소비예측 연구들이 진행되고 있다. 딥러닝을 이용한 예측모델을 사용하기 위해서는 먼저 요인들이 의사를 결정하는데 있어 얼마나 상관관계가 있는지 파악하는 작업이 중요하다. 본 논문에서는 이를 위해 다양한 상관관계 분석모델을 이용해 소비 의사결정 요소 중 기후, 문화와 같은 상황적 요인과 소비와의 상관관계를 도출하고, 기후, 문화를 대변하는 미세먼지 데이터와, SNS 버즈량 데이터와 소비데이터를 학습하는 소비예측 LSTM모델을 제안하고자 한다.

<기획논문> 갈등의 시대, 소통과 화해의 역사 교육 - 북한산 애국지사 묘역 역사관의 가능성을 중심으로 -

이기훈 ( Lee Kihoon ) 덕성여자대학교 인문과학연구소 2014 인문과학연구 Vol.19 No.-

손병희, 여운형 선생 등 16위의 애국지사들의 묘소가 있는 북한산 애국지사 묘역은 민족 자주, 민주주의 등 한국근현대사에서 가장 중요한 가치를 구현하려 한 분들의 안식처로서 중요한 사회적 역사교육의 장소가 될 수 있다. 북한산의 지사 묘역은 희생과 헌신으로 이 정치공동체의 형성에 기여한 분들이 안식을 얻고 있는 곳이다. 그 희생과 헌신은 현존하는 체제에 대한 절대적인 충성이 아니라, 민주적 정치공동체의 이상을 위한 것이다. 동시에 그 헌신은 독선이나 대립이 아니라 궁극적으로 소통과 화해를 목적한다. 중도좌파, 아나키스트, 기독교 민족주의, 천도교, 자유주의 등 다양한 이념과 정책적 지향을 보였던 인물들이 한 곳에서 안식을 취할 수 있다는 점에서 북한산의 애국지사 묘역은 그 자체로 민주적 역사인식의 상징이 될 수 있을 것이다. A total of 16 national leaders, including Son Byunghee and Yeo Woonhyung, are resting in peace in the cemetery of patriots in Mt. Bukhan. The fact that they gave their life for the realization of the most important values in the modem Korean history that include national independence and democracy enables the graveyard to serve as a venue for social history education. The leaders laid in the burial ground are distinguished for their sacrifice and dedication for the building of a political community that provides ideal democratic values to people, not blind loyalty to those in power back in their times. Their devotion was also made to promote communication and reconciliation, other than confrontation and being selfish. The Mt. Bukhan cemetery itself can be viewed as a democratic symbol because they are all in one place, despite their different political ideologies, including as central leftist, anarchist, Christian nationalist, Cheondoist (a person who believes in a local religion Cheondoism) and liberalist.

1920년대 『동아일보』의 중국 인식 - 계몽과 혁명, 식민주의와 탈식민주의 시각의 부침과 교차

이기훈 ( Lee Kihoon ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2017 동방학지 Vol.178 No.-

1920년대 조선의 지식인들에게 중국의 혁명은 제국주의 인식 체계가 구축한 식민주의적 세계관을 일거에 전복시킬 수 있는 가능성을 가지고 있었으니, 중국은 현재의 동아시아 정치 지형을 결정할 분 아니라 자신의 미래를 비추는 거울이었다. 따라서 조선의 지식인들은 중국의 사태에 매우 큰 관심을 가지고 있었고, 놀라울 정도로 많은 사설과 연재 기사들이 신문의 지면을 차지했다. 당시 가장 유력한 매체였던 『동아일보』에는 사회주의 혁명의 관점에서 일제가 창출한 식민주의적 중국관까지, 중국을 바라보는 다양한 시각들이 다양하게 등장했다. 가장 먼저 등장한 것은 중국과 조선을 바로 동일시하는 시각이었다. 1920년대 초반 동아일보의 사설들은 중국과 조선이 거의 동일한 상황에 처해 있으며 해결책도 같다고 파악했다. 중국의 인민과 청년들을 훈계하는 듯 계몽적인 태도는 이런 직접적인 동일시에서 비롯된 것이었다. 1920년대 중반 중국의 혁명이 진전되고 여기에 대한 인식의 폭이 확대되면서, 중국과 조선의 다른 상황에도 불구하고 민족 혁명과 사회 혁명의 역사적 보편성이 중국에서 관철되고 있다고 파악하는 관점이 확산되었다. 특파원이나 현지 통신원들은 자신이 중국 혁명, 나아가 세계 혁명의 역사적 현장의 목격자라고 생각했다. 사회주의자들은 물론이고 민족혁명을 고수하던 민족주의자들에게도 중국 혁명은 해방의 가능성이었다. 그러나 1927년 이후 장제스가 국민당을 장악하고 중화민국이 안정화하면서, 제국의 시선에 입각한 현실적이고 세속적인 입장이 강화되었다. 민족의 미래나 사회 혁명보다는 중국 진출이나 이윤 확대를 노리는 자본의 시선이 압도하기 시작했고, 현실의 정치 질서를 긍정했던 것이다. For intellectuals of colonial Korea, the Chinese Revolution of the 1920` s was a golden opportunity to get rid of the colonialist view that had been built upon the imperialist paradigm rampant in their homeland. Dong-A Ilbo, the most prominent newspaper in colonial Korea back then, covered diverse opinions based on different views on China, ranging from those of the socialist revolution to others reflecting the colonial view of a China propagated by Imperial Japan. Of those views, the first to emerge was the one that equated Korea with China. Editorials published in Dong-A Ilbo in the early 1920`s suggested that China and Korea were largely in the same situation and therefore required the same solution. In the mid 1920`s, more and more people began to see that the historical universality of a national and social revolution was being accepted in China. The Chinese Revolution represented a possibility of liberation not only for the socialists, but also for the nationalists who held their ground for a national revolution. However, as Chiang Kai-shek took control of the the Nationalist Party and the Republic of China was stabilized after 1927, Dong-A Ilbo adopted a more realistic and secular position based on the imperialist view; Capitalism-based stances that aimed to take over China or gain more profit began to prevail over those focused on the future of the people or on a social revolution in Korea, thus approving the political landscape of the time.

‘언니’의 곡절 - 한국의 근대 가족과 여자 어린이 노동

이기훈(Lee Kihoon) 역사비평사 2022 역사비평 Vol.- No.141

From the Japanese Colonial Period up until the 1970s, a large number of pictures and photographs that portrayed Korea’s children had one distinctive feature; they show a unni, which is a Korean word for big sister, looking aer the younger siblings. The images tell the story of how young girls, often called by their title unni, were deeply burdened with the responsibilities of doing household chores and taking care of other family members, enabling the very survival and growth of their family in a society that was rapidly turning into a capitalist economy. The paper analyzed eldwork data from the 1930s and found that young girls in families bore the main responsibility of taking care of their younger siblings and doing household chores, enabling their mothers to join the work force. A critical analysis of surveys conducted in the rural areas in the 1960s also revealed that such phenomenon continued well aer Korea was liberated from the colonial rule, and that families largely erased or oppressed the memory of the unni being burdened with such hard work. It was a common strategy for families to have their daughters serve the family needs, so that the saved-up time and money and the limited family resources could be concentrated on educating their sons. Such a strategy could only hold when everyone took for granted the sacrice made by the unni figure in the family. While some will reminisce their childhood with fond memories, some have had to sacrice and suer.

집회와 깃발 - 저항 주체 형성의 문화사를 위하여 -

이기훈 ( Lee Kihoon ) 연세사학연구회( 구 연세대학교 사학연구회 ) 2017 學林 Vol.39 No.-

한국 근대 사회 운동의 문화적 기반을 좀 더 깊이 있게 천착하기 위해서는 개인 차원이 아니라 저항과 운동의 집단적이고 사회적인 `내면`을 이해할 필요가 있다. 집회와 시위 현장에서 등장하는 깃발은 이를 위해 중요한 분석의 대상이 된다. 정치적 의사 표현과 집단적 의지로서 깃발은, 전통사회에서도 널리 쓰였다. 그러나 그 깃발들은 개별적인 개인이나 마을 공동체 등을 상징하고 대표하는 것이지, 국민이나 계급과 같은 정치적 주체들을 표상하는 집단적 대표성을 가지고 있지는 않았다. 개항 이후 태극기가 대표하듯, 깃발은 점차 국민, 시민, 민중 등 근대적 정치 주체들을 상징하게 되었다. 하지만 근대 이후 집회나 시위에서 사용된 깃발 속에도 전통적 요소들은 남아 있었다. 상징이나 기호보다, 문장으로 주장이나 요구를 명확히 제시하는 쪽을 선호한 것이 대표적이다. 해방 이후 집회의 역사에서 알 수 있듯이 전체적으로 한국 근대의 깃발들이 내포하는 상징성의 역사나 문화적 함축은 그다지 깊지 못하다. 정치적 저항을 용인하지 않았던 근대 한국 지배 권력의 폭압성에 기인하는 바이기도 하다. 그러나 나름의 문화적 전통에 대해서는 좀 더 깊이 있는 천착과 해석이 필요하다. 이 글은 한국 근대의 또 다른 측면을 문화사적 시각에서 해명하고자 하는 노력이다. 장기적으로 깃발을 포함한 저항 문화의 상징 체계 전체를 해석할 수 있는 출발점이 되기를 바란다. For more in-depth research on the cultural foundation of the social movements in modern Korea, the collective and social `inner nature` of resistances and campaigns needs to be understood first. In doing so, flags that appeared in these scenes of rallies and protests can be an important subject of analysis. As a tool to express political demands and collective wills, flags were widely used in traditional societies. However, these flags were merely a symbol to represent a certain individual or a village community, not a collective subject of politics. Like Taegeukgi (the national flag of Korea) used after Korea opened her ports to trade or the Red Flag (赤旗) in Korean Liberation Days(1945~1948), flags gradually began to symbolize the modern subjects of politics such as Koreans, citizens, or people. However, a part of traditional elements still survived in the flags used in the rallies or protests that took place since the modern times. This is best represented by the fact that these flags had a penchant for clearly expressing the demand or message of the rallies in written sentences, rather than displaying a certain symbol or mark. As appeared in the history of rallies and protests since Korea gained independence, the overall history and cultural implications of the flags in modern Korea seem to lack in depth. It is mainly due to the brutal nature of the prevailing authorities in modern Korea they never allowed any political resistance. However, we still need to do more in-depth research on the cultural traditions involved in these flags. To this end, this study aims to explain less known aspects of modern Korea from the perspectives of cultural history. In the long term, I hope this approach may serve as a starting point of interpreting the whole symbol system (including flags) of the resistance culture.

발명왕 이순신과 잠수함이 된 거북선

이기훈(Lee, Kihoon) 역사비평사 2017 역사비평 Vol.- No.121

An exclusively owned memory tends to be exaggerated and distorted by its owners. For those in power and the intellectuals, who play a leading role in creating a great “national” epic for their country, in particular, it may be more tempting to gloss over their own “history.” This is the case for Geobukseon, a turtle-shaped battleship built during the Joseon dynasty (1392~1910). The myth of Geobukseon as the world’s first submarine was developed out of Korean nationalism immediately after the March First Independence Movement in 1919 against the Japanese colonialism, in an effort to inspire patriotism into the Koreans and demonstrate Korean cultural prowess. The invention of this myth began with the mere addition of a word “submersible” when Geobukseon was first introduced as an ironclad “submersible” warship instead of an ironclad warship. As this misleading word repeatedly appeared on the media, however, it was combined with assertive nationalism across the colonized Korea. As a result, an outlandish hypothesis that this Korean turtle ship is the first submarine in world history began to spread academically unverified or reasonably unchecked, before it became an unquestionable “historical fact.” That was the way how Geobukseon the submarine was put down as “history.” Accordingly, Admiral Yi Sun-shin (1545~1598), an alleged builder of this armored ship, was reappraised as a science hero of the time, and inspirational anecdotes about the genius inventor followed as well. These dramatized stories spread via media and scholars’ citation from each other. Daily newspapers including the spearheading “Dong-A Ilbo” and kids’ magazines like “Children” based these anecdotes on each other’s theories. This was the case even among the intellectuals who claimed to promote science movement. None of the modern intelligentsia would shoulder an onerous burden of verification, or shatter such sweet nationalist illusions. The myth did not disappear even after Korea was liberated from the Japanese imperialism in 1945 but rather kept haunting the Asian country, setting off a wave of nationalist feelings among the Koreans for more than half a century. The hypothesis serves as an apt example of how the nationalist history is fabricated and spread as it stirs up patriotic sentiment among the people. This thesis was purposed to disclose what popular desires are latent underneath nationalist myths and how those in power would use them in the name of enlightenment.

3·1운동과 공화주의 - 중첩, 응축, 비약

이기훈(Lee, Kihoon) 역사비평사 2019 역사비평 Vol.- No.127

The people of Joseon experienced tremendous overlay, compression and a social leap forward towards change around March of 1919. It is not that a single, large event determined the next century of a nation. However, dramatic changes and a leap forward took place at the time, as if a hundred years had been compressed into that period. Such compression and overlay that led the Joseon society to leap forward was possible as people experienced firsthand a social movement through the March 1st Movement. Compressed times brought out different aspects of the society and the energy was ultimately channeled towards one direction via the joint action of shouting out ‘Manse’: it came to be acknowledged as a tool of confirming that one belonged to a political community of a nation. The leadership of the March 1st Movement, including the initial 33 activists and student leaders, had not prepared any specific guidelines for the general public to follow. Yet, the ‘Manse’ movement spread voluntarily and quickly along with the aspiration that the nation must regain independence as a political entity. The consensus spread whereby the act of shouting out ‘Manse’ will bring forth independence and that any and all Joseon people must cry out ‘Manse’. The different experiences and events on the Korean Peninsula in March and April of 1919 all compressed down to and are channeled towards one direction in sync. With the passing of time, this part of history became a solid part of Korean identity, along with democracy and the representativeness of the people, as part of our political ethics.