제형파형 Plate의 탄성전단좌굴 특성

윤상열(Yoon Sang Yul),김성남(Kim Sung Nam),한택희(Han Taek Hee),강영종(Kang Young Jong) 한국철도학회 2002 한국철도학회 학술발표대회논문집 Vol.- No.-

Recently, the applications of corrugated plates(or folded plates) are increasing due to economic and structural advantages in certain situations. And, because of the higher strength of corrugated plates than flat plates, the usage of the corrugated plates is increasing. So there are many necessities for specifications of corrugated plates. For flat plates, there are many design details in almost specifications. However, there are no detail design guides such as shear strength except the bending strength and the normal strength. So, it is difficult for engineers to design structures consist of corrugated plates. Therefore, a provision is necessary for engineers to refer for designing corrugated plates. The conclusion of this study shows a formula that helps to determine the shear strength of corrugated plates under various geometric conditions ; the size of corrugation ; the curvature of corrugation and ; the thickness of the corrugated plate. Also, it shows that corrugated plates have higher shear buckling strength than flat plates.

부여의 天下觀 小考

윤상열(Yoon Sang-Yul) 한국사학회 2008 史學硏究 Vol.- No.90

부여의 ‘동명설화’나 ‘해모수설화’를 보면 ‘천자’, ‘천제’, ‘천손’ 등으로 칭하며 하늘의 선택을 받은 존재임을 부각시키고 있어 부여인들의 찬 하관을 엿볼 수 있다. 부여의 왕권의 부자상속체제는 분병 고조선과 같이 안정되고 강력한 왕권을 전제로 하는 것이었다. 그러므로 여기서 부여와 고구려의 정치제도의 계기성의 일단을 포착할 수 있는 것이다. 부여의 대외관계를 살펴보면 부여는 같은 濊族으로 추정되는 예와 동옥저 등에 대해 일정한 동류의식을 바탕으로 한 영향권 행사의 의도가 있었던 것으로 보인다. 그 일환으로 부여는 읍루를 일찍이 복속시켜 연해주와 한반도 북동부 지역을 부여의 천하의 범주에 넣으려고 한 것 같다 부여는 남쪽의 고구려에 대해서도 부여의 아류로 인식하고 정통성을 갖춘 부여의 천하에 복속하는 것이 하늘의 뜻이라는 인식을 가지고 있었다. 결국 부여는 주변의 동이세력에 대해 분명한 천하관을 갖추고 있었던 것이다. The Dongmyong and Haemosu Tale of Buyeo constantly displays the notion of 'the son of Heaven', 'Heavenly Emperor' or 'the descendants of Heaven', thereby justifying the Buyeo and its people as the centre of the world. The strong royal power enjoyed firmly established hereditary system, which was similar to that of Old Joseon. Buyeo seemed to have had a certain will to influence such powers as Ye, and Okjeo, who was thought to be of homogeneous 'ye' ethnic origin. To carry out its 'Greater Buyeo' design, Buyeo may have subdued Upru to advance into the Maritime Province of Siberia and northeast Korea. Buyeo also thought of its southern neighbour Koguryo as an epigone, Such attitude led Buyeo to believe that it was the 'will of Heaven' that Koguryo should submit to the world of Buyeo, which was the sole benefactor of legitimacy. Hence, there is a high possibility that Buyeo had obviously possessed its distinct world view to its surrounding Dongyi (東夷) people.

고구려 中期天下觀의 推移

윤상열(YOON Sang-yul) 고구려발해학회 2008 고구려발해연구 Vol.30 No.-

This treatise was written to give an outline of how the world order of early Koguryo. The former studies of Koguryo’s world view put its origin at 4-5 centuries A.D.. However, polities that possessed their distinct world view did exist in Korean history. Hence, re-examination of previous theories is needed. Koguryo succeeded the world view of Old Joseon and Buyeo, so that the monarch already was the ‘Great King’through the means of vassal system since the beginning of its dynasty. The ‘King of Kings’title was introduced in the middle years to celebrate the upgrading of the Koguryo king who enjoyed the vast extension of its territory in the 4th century. Such phonomena reflected the expansion and internationalization of Koguryo’s world view. The middle years also witnessed the introduction of Confucianism and Buddhism to Koguryo. However, such accomodations were strictly based on tight government control, to reconstruct the damaged world view after years of national humiliation by king Gogukwon. Restructuring the world view also brought about the capital transfer to Pyongyang, thereby signaling the completion of the new world view. The attitude of Koguryo to its surrounding neighbors were classified into the ‘subordinates’and the ‘foreign ethnicities’. The ‘subordinates’were the objects of Koguryo’s conquest into its domain, whereby the ‘foreign ethnicities’were simply the objects of indirect control and exploitation. The application of middle-year world view of Koguryo can be summarized into three points : first, Koguryo has succeeded the vassal system by creating the new ones based on homogeneity. Second, Koguryo never allowed anybody to challenge its absolute world view in northeast Asia. Lastly, the reason why Koguryo failed to unify all its surrounding territories was due to many factors, despite the fact that Koguryo actually had the will to do so. Consequently, the application of Koguryo’s world view suffered substantial gap between theory and reality.

고조선의 天下觀에 관한 試論

윤상열(Yoon Sang-Yul) 한국사학회 2007 史學硏究 Vol.- No.88

본고는 고조선과 부여의 정체성을 밝혀내는 일환으로 이들 ‘초기국가’의 천하관에 주목하였다. 자료의 한계는 부인할 수 없으나, 이들 국가들의 천하관에 대한 대강의 모습을 확인함으로써 이들 국가들과 후속국가들, 특히 고구려 초기의 천하관과 사회수준을 가늠하는 한 단서가 될 수 있을 것이다. 본고는 일단 고조선의 천하관을 다루었다. 고조선의 시초를 알려주는 기록인 단군설화를 통해 고조선인들은 스스로를 하늘의 후예로 인식하고 천하에 유일한 신성성과 정통성을 바탕으로 ‘홍익인간’의 정신을 구현하려 했다고 볼 수 있다. 이것을 고조선의 천하관의 한 특징이라고 말할 수 있을 것이다. 위만조선 시대를 중심으로 본 고조선의 관직체계는 상당히 분화된 모습을 보여주고 있고, 고조선은 중국에 버금가는 ‘侯國적 질서’를 바탕으로 神權정치를 추구했던 것으로 보인다. 또한 고조선은 기본적으로 지금의 요동 지방을 오랜 세월 전 부터 자신의 천하의 일부로 인식했으며 또한 이러한 천하를 유지하기 위해 적극적으로 유민들을 활용하였다. ‘위만조선’은 다름 아닌 고조선계 유민들의 귀속의식을 반영한 사건이었다. 그러므로 위만세력의 행동은 고조선의 천하관의 범위를 벗어나지 못했고, 또한 역으로 강력한 고조선의 천하관이 위만조선 이전에 이미 정립되어 있었다는 뜻도 된다. 고조선을 장악한 위만은 동이세력에 대한 정복사업에 나섰는데, 이는 아마도 고조선과 비슷한 문화를 공유했으리라고 추정되는 주변세력들을 통합해 보다 큰 고조선의 천하를 이루려는 것이었을 것이다. 이어 우거왕때 극대화된 고조선의 자존적 천하관은 결국 漢의 그것과 이른바 ‘朝漢전쟁’으로 정면충돌을 하였으나, 위만조선은 무력적 배경을 토대로 한 천하관을 추구했기 때문에 결국 멸망함으로써 그 실험은 실패로 끝났다. This treatise seeks to explore the world view of Old Joseon, as a part of an effort to find their identities and historical positions in Korean history. Despite insufficient historical sources, the paper aims to catch the glimpse of these ancient states' world views. This study will not only give certain background of the social maturity of these polities, but also would do the same for the subsequent ancient Korean states like early Koguryo period. The Tale of Dangun shows how the Old Joseon was founded. By analyzing the tale, it is revealed that the Joseon people thought of themselves as the descendants of Heaven. Based on such belief of sacred legitimacy, they sought to embrace all mankind into the realm of Joseon. This was the essential characteristics of Old Joseon's world view. The government structure of Old Joseon demonstrates highly developed nature. Also, researching on the historic sources reveals that Joseon actually pursued theocracy, similar to the Chinese feudal system of Chou (周) period. In terms of territorial consciousness, Joseon claimed the present-day Yodong peninsula area as part of their world. Joseon actively embraced the Joseon population of the region. Consequently, the establishment of Wiman regime in Joseon was no coincidence. The event was the reflection of the longing of Yodong people of Joseon ancestry, who had clearly a sense of belonging to their motherland. Wiman Joseon itself symbolized the limitation of its identity within the Joseon world order, which reversely implies that such powerful world view of Joseon existed long before. Wiman Joseon launched a campaign to conquer the surrounding neighbours, to extend Joseon's world by absorbing those with similar ethnic or cultural background. The grand world view of Wiman Joseon reached its zenith during king Wukeo's reign, which led to the ultimate confrontation with Han China. However, the Joseon-Han war only exposed the limitation of Joseon's world view, for it controlled its vassals with forceful military strength. The war brought about the fall of Old Joseon itself and its world view.

고구려 後期 天下觀의 성격

윤상열(Yoon, Sang-Yul) 백산학회 2008 白山學報 Vol.- No.80

This treatise was written to explore the features of Koguryo’s World View in the Later Years. The royal titles of the ‘King of Kings’ and the ‘Great King’ were consistently used in the later period, so that it is clear that the king still maintained the minimal authority despite the diminishing royal power. The expansion of Confucianism and Buddhism also brought about the fundamental changes in Koguryo’s social thoughts. Moreover, the introduction of Chinese Taoism to Koguryo in the 7th century further generated the deterioratation of Koguryo’s traditional world view values. Also, the Chinese god of Kija was worshipped along with other gods due to this change, which in turn undermined the ritual of the dynasty founder. Such changes symbolized the loss of spiritual center, and one of the factors of Koguryo’s downfall. Another characteristics of later-year Koguryo was the flourishing national construction of cities and fortresses. Koguryo established the ‘three-capitals’ system, which stemmed from the awareness of Koguryo of its own land after it was threatened by external forces. The construction and relocation of the great capital of Jangan were due to the military ventures of Shilla, which pushed its way into the rear regions of Koguryo. However, Koguryo tried to battle this situation by strengthening its base in Pyongyang region, since it had no intention to relocate the capital because of Shilla, which was its former vassal-state. The Great Wall of Koguryo was also built to officially establish the Koguryo’s ‘world’ and that of China. Koguryo had made no such attempts before, when Koguryo put itself at the centre of the world. Such movement hence signify that Koguryo was now on the defensive side. Also the Great Wall helped Koguryo to drive out other foreign forces which made an effort to lure some ethnicities within the world of Koguryo. The advent of Shilla also precipitated the fundamental transformation of Koguryo’s policy towards Baekjae. Koguryo made a friendly approach to Baekjae and acknowledged it as the polity beyond the boundaries of Koguryo’s influence. However, the old animosity still lingered on, as Koguryo may have pressured Baekjae to acknowledge Koguryo’s superiority which Baekjae seemed to have agreed. Meanwhile, Shilla became the direct object of Koguryo’s territorial passion. Koguryo’s attitude towards Shilla was more of an utter humiliation than wrath, since Koguryo never placed Shilla as its equal. Such mentality was well expressed in the 7th century as well. Koguryo’s attitude towards Malgal and the Japanese Wae was of active nature, contrary to that of Baekjae and Shilla. The name ‘Malgal’ itself was the legacy of Koguryo’s world view, as it strived to enhance the control of its rear lands against the foreign pressures on its frontiers. Malgal soon became the ‘Cossacks’ of Koguryo, when it supported Koguryo to fight its Chinese enemies in the 6th and 7th centuries. Simultaneously, Koguryo also made an effort to establish diplomatic relations with Japan. This was due to the fact that Koguryo needed a new ally against the mounting enemies, as well as searching for a new vassal to extend its world view. This proved to be successful but was only restricted to non-military interactions.

고구려 前期 天下觀의 형성과 전개

윤상열(Yoon, Sang-Yul) 백산학회 2008 白山學報 Vol.- No.81

이 논문은 고구려 전기 천하관의 형성과 전개에 대한 이해를 얻기 위해 작성되었다. 기존의 연구들은 고구려의 천하관이 중기에 형성된 것으로 단정하고는 했는데, 본 연구를 통해 이러한 인식은 재고할 필요가 있다는 점을 강조하고자 했다. 고구려의 천하관은 명백하게 고조선과 부여의 그것을 계승했던 것이다. 고구려는 고조선의 정통성을 계승한 세력이었다. 이러한 배경은 고구려가 전 동이족에 대해 정통성을 주장할 수 있는 가장 기본적인 토대가 되었다. 고구려 전기천하관의 중요한 요소는 ‘후국적 존재’였는데, 이는 ‘성읍’, ‘속국’, ‘군현’ 등의 다양한 편제방식을 모두 다 포괄할 수 있는 개념이었다. 이들 후국들은 기본적인 자치권은 주어졌지만 궁극적으로 고구려 중앙정부에 종속된 세력들이었다. 이러한 한계로 인해 후국들은 차후 점진적인 집권화의 대상으로 전락하고 만다. 고구려 전기 왕호에 대한 분석결과, 이들 왕호들은 고구려가 온 천하를 지배하게 된다는 신이성에 근간을 둔 사실을 알아냈다. 이러한 인식은 고조선과 부여의 천하관을 복합적으로 계승한 산물이었다. 여기에서 말미암은 고구려의 천하관은 당초에 알려진 것보다 전기의 매우 이른시기부터 형성된 것으로 당시 경쟁관계에 있던 부여의 존재를 이미 초월하고 있었다. 추모왕인 주몽과 유화가 매우 일찍부터 신격화된 사실이 이러한 현상을 명백하게 증거하고 있다. 고구려는 많은 異種族들을 자신의 체제 안에 완전하게 흡수했다기보다는 고유성 내지는 독자성을 인정하는 쪽으로 편제정책을 추구했는데, 일단 속국으로 만든 다음에는 그들이 고구려의 세력권, 즉 천하에 소속되었음을 대외적으로도 천명했다. 이것이 고구려 전기 이종족을 대하는 일관된 원칙이었고 ‘속국’과 ‘附庸’(군현)의 개념이었던 것이다. 부여에 대해서는 일찍이 성립된 우월의식을 바탕으로 적극적인 천하관을 추구했고 이의 연장선상에서 중국에 대한 인식 또한 그러한 측면이 있었다. This treatise was written to give an outline of how the world order of early Koguryo existed. Previous studies have stated that Koguryo’s world order was established during the medieval period of its statehood. However, this study proves that Koguryo’s world view did indeed exist from its foundation, succeeding that of Old Joseon and Buyeo. Koguryo was founded in the very heartland of Old Joseon, so that Koguryo was destined to justify itself after its precedessor. The political structure of early Koguryo was characterized by ‘’vassal states’, with some regional distinctiveness. Basically all vassal states were obligated to obey and recognize the authority of the central government, which gradually absorbed this lower polities to full centralization. After analyzing the royal titles of early Koguryo period, it is evident that the titles were of sacred origin which defined that the ‘great’ kings of Koguryo were destined to dominate the known world. This phenomenon was the direct result of Koguryo’s pride of being the successor of Old Joseon, which enabled it to overcome the influence of Buyeo, which Koguryo eventually overwhelmed. The early deification of Koguryo’s founder and his mother clearly supports that theory. Koguryo’s conquest of different ethnicities resulted in their autonomical subjugation, which was derived from the limitation of Koguryo’s nation-building times. However, once the vassal polities acknowledged Koguryo’s domination, Koguryo was eager to proclaim to outside world that such ethnicities were officially the part of Koguryo’s world. This was the consistent principle of Koguryo’s approachment of different ethnicies. Koguryo’s early establishment of superior world view against Buyeo brought about fierce rivalry between the two powers, and attitude of Koguryo towards China shared similar traits as well.

민요로 본 농민의 가치관 연구

윤상열 ( Sang Yul Yoon ) 일지사 1977 韓國學報 Vol.3 No.3

고구려 王后 于氏에 대하여

윤상열(Yoon Sang-Yul) 역사실학회 2007 역사와실학 Vol.32 No.-

Queen Wu of Koguryo lived between the latter half of 2th century A.D. to early 3th century A.D.. She was a remarkable woman who became the wife of two kings, King Gogukchun and his younger brother, King Sansang through the means of levirate. This kind of royal life is a historian's dream to uncover its hidden truth. Interestingly, a comprehensive study on Queen Wu's life based on the 'Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms' (HRTK) has previously never been conducted, thereby giving the justification for this paper. Queen Wu married King Gogukchun in 180 A.D.. She was from the nabu(那部) of Je. 'Nabu' was one of the regional groups of Koguryo, The Queen seemed to enjoy certain power in Koguryo court until one of her relatives revolted against the king during A.D 190~191 period, when the king tried to punish him for corruption. The revolt failed, which brought about the ultimate downfall of major noblemen in Koguryo. Then followed the major purge by King Gogukchun, who wanted to use this opportunity to strengthen his royal power. Queen Wu survived this political challenge, either because she was not directly involved in the conspiracy or because she was already all too powerful for the king to handle or both. However, the queen did suffer some political setbacks and she had to wait for her day. When King Gogukchun died in 197 A.D., Queen Wu hesitated no more to win back her lost power. Since the king left no heir, the candidacy went to his two younger brothers, Balki and Yonwu. First Queen went to older brother Balki to test his royal will, but Balki flatly refused her offer. Then the Queen went to Yonwu, who was clever enough to sense her intentions and almost instantly accepted her invitation to be the new king of Koguryo, hence King Sansang. Balki was furious when finding out the harsh reality, so that he took his army and surrounded the royal palace to reclaim his legitimate crown. However, the tide was against him and Balki was forced to flee with his family to Han China. Balki came back with the Chinese army, only to be beaten again to his death. Then the new king married his older sister-in-law, a levirate marriage. Some Korean scholars thought that the early stage of Koguryo history was characterized by brother-to-brother royal succession. However, after analyzing the lineage of Koguryo' s royal family, it is evident that the hereditary lineage was the fundamental rule throughout the whole Koguryo' s history. Brother-to-brother succession only took place in an emergency situation. Some interesting facts were discovered while studying the levirate of Queen Wu. First, Yonwu had a wife and offspring(s) before he became king, but it is inferred that they were killed during a civil war between Yonwu and Balki. This made everything more smooth for both Yonwu and Queen Wu to carry out the levirate. Second, the general levirate custom of Koguryo was to marry her first brother-in-law, not her second, like Queen Wu did with Yonwu. Queen Wu was the primary contributor to King Sansang' s succession, and she dominated the Koguryo court with utmost political power. She seemed to have utilized Sansang' s illegitimate background, since he took Balki' s place, to prevent the likes of King Gogukchun again. Even when the king tried to have a second queen to have heir, Queen Wu simply ignored the king' s wish by sending the soldiers to kill this soon-to-be second queen. It was only after the pathetic begging of the king and some political concessions to the queen that both the second queen and a new son were kept alive. Queen Wu, now ever more powerful, tested new King Dongchun, again like she tested Sansang, to give him a political message never to challenge her authority. Such circumstances soon made her Empress Dowager(王太后). Queen Wu managed to stay in power for almost 40 years. Her political success could mainly be attributed to her own talents, talents never to miss the right opportunity to

渤海의 天下觀연구

윤상열(YOON Sang-yul) 고구려발해학회 2008 고구려발해연구 Vol.32 No.-

고구려와 발해는 서쪽으로부터 발해와 황해, 그리고 동쪽의 동해를 통해 주변 제민족ㆍ지역ㆍ국가와 활발한 교류를 해왔다. 본고에서는 해양문화 가운데서도 동해를 통한 교역, 교류 루트, 해양신앙의 면에 주안점을 두고 살펴보았다. 왜냐하면 고구려와 발해는 발해와 황해를 통해, 중국과 교류를 하기도 했으나, 관련 기록이 동해해역권에 가장 많이 남아 있기 때문이다. 우선 교역면에 대해서는 교역의 형태, 교역의 주체 등에서 유사성을 찾아 볼 수가 있었다. 즉 외교사절단에 의해 이루어진 공무역, 지방세력과 민간상인 등에 이루어 진 사무역 등은 일본에서의 경우이기는 하지만, 거의 유사한 형태로 지속되었다. 교역의 주체면에서도 고구려의 경우에는 민간상인의 존재양상이 보이지는 않지만, 그 외의 경우 외교사절단이나 지방세력 등의 존재는 인정할 수가 있었다. 다음으로 동해를 통한 교류루트도 발해가 고구려의 항로를 그대로 유지·계승했던 것을 알 수가 있었다. 아울러 해양신앙면에서도 고구려를 계승한 발해의 불교와 샤머니즘계열의 해양전승 및 해신에 대한 제사 등에서 두 나라사이의 관련성을 확인할 수가 있었다. 따라서 해양문화측면에서도 발해가 고구려를 계승했다고 할 수가 있을 것이다. This thesis aims to study the world view of Balhae to ultimately seek the correlation with that of Koguryo. The first national name of Balhae was the ‘kingdom of Jin’, meaning the ‘supreme entity under the Heaven’. King Mun proclaimed himself as the King of Koguryo, so as to symbolize that Balhae was the legitimate successor of Koguryo’s world view. Balhae seemed to have enjoyed the imperial status by subjugating several kingdoms as vassal states in Manchuria. This also signifies that Balhae succeeded the political structure of Koguryo. Balhae’s capital relocation was based on the Koguryo world view as well, since it’s relocation policy focused on launching southward push into the Korean Peninsula to include Shilla into its world. Balhae’s external policy towards Tang China, Shilla and Japan was of successive nature too. It’s policy towards Tang and Shilla was rooted with hostility, since two nations have previously joined together to destroy Koguryo, Balhae’s predecessor. Balhae expressed active dignity to China, while endeavoring to re-estalish the dominance over Shilla as Koguryo did before. Balhae also tried to execute national supremacy over Japan, by reminding Japan of Balhae’s legitimate position as the successor of Koguryo, the ultimate Empire of northeast Asia.

주기적 충격하중이 작용하는 회전원판의 횡진동에 관한 실험 분석

신응수(Eung-Soo Shin),윤상열(Sang-Yul Yoon) 대한기계학회 2015 대한기계학회 춘추학술대회 Vol.2015 No.11

The purpose of this study is to investigate experimentally the lateral stability of a rotating disk under periodic impact loadings. A test rig has been developed including a disk with multiple loading spots, a driving motor and a pendulum-type impact tip. The lateral stability of the rotating disk was experimentally analyzed based on measured transverse vibration amplitudes with the disk changing its speed. Results show that vibration responses are affected by the frequency of the impact loadings as well as the rotational speed. Specifically, vibration amplitudes increase significantly at several ranges of the disk speed below the critical region, which is closely related to sub-harmonic instability due to parametric excitation. By comparing the experimental results with analytic estimation based on the assumption of the speed fluctuations, it is found that the periodic impact greatly affects lateral vibration behaviors in unstable regions, but it has almost no effects in stable regions.