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- 저자 : 李俊甲 (검색결과 58 건)
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乾隆49年(1784)~51年(1786)의 敎案과 乾隆帝
李俊甲(Lee, Jun Gab) 동양사학회 2012 東洋史學硏究 Vol.121 No.-
In this study I have analyzed the process of the persecution on the missions occurred in Guangdong, Hunan, Hubei, Shanxi, Shandong, Jiangxi, Gansu, Sichuan, Henan, Hebei, Fujian during the years 1784-1786 by Qing dynasty and also have analyzed the role of emperor Qianlong in that process. This persecution have begun with the arrest of four Franciscan missionaries travelling to their assigned missions in Shanxi. About the middle of September 1784, Huguang governor-general Techenge received the report from Xiangyang county of the capture of the four missionaries. Emperor Qianlong was immediately reported this incident and issued an edict that govern and governor-generals of all provinces arrest missionaries and Chinese Catholic. Eighteen missionaries and about four hundred Chinese Catholic was arrested and interrogated by Qing bureaucrat. Some of Chinese Catholic were died in the prison, the others were tried in the court and sentenced to be exiled to Xinjiang or flogged. Six missionaries were died in prison and nine missionaries were banished to their own countries and three missionaries were allowed to reside at Catholic Church in Beijing in order to serve emperor Qianlong. This incident was called the great persecution of 18th century China. With the help of chief minister Agui and Hesen, emperor Qianlong took lead all the process of the great persecution. On the surface the persecution was proceeded by judicial procedure of Qing dynasty, Actually the procedure was decided by emperor Qianlong’s will. The reason was that according to the Qing judicial system, emperor issues some order, it became edict which takes legal force at once. As emperor Qianlong dealt with the persecution a little mildly, he could not only show off his tolerance as emperor, but also he could control missionaries and Chinese Catholic.
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李俊甲(Lee Jungab) 동양사학회 2007 東洋史學硏究 Vol.101 No.-
The Purpose of this study is to search for the trace of Hakka in Sichuan during 17th~20th century in view of assimilation. In general, most of the scholars agree the opinion that Hakka have their own customs, for example dialect, funeral ritual, wedding ceremony etc and they are not changed wherever Hakka live in. I also accept that Hakka have their unique customs. But I don't agree the viewpoint that Hakka's customs are constant, because there are no persons or groups who can live a life without neighbour's influence during two or three centuries. In this study I analysis the life of Hakka in Sichuan from 17th century to 20th century who migrated from Guangdong, Fujian, Jiangxi provinces. As a result, I find that Hakka in Sichuan are changing their customs, especially their dialect which is the most important characteristic of themselves. They cannot choose but change their dialect in order to communicate with their new generation speaking Huguang dialect -spoken by most of the Sichuan people- in daily life and with neighbour. At present there are some counties where about thirty percents of Hakka can not speak their dialect at all. This is the most important mark of Hakka's assimilation. In addition to it, the structure of Hakka's village, house, ancestor temple, assembly hall become similar to that of their neighbor, Sichuan people. The assimilation of Hakka in Sichuan began to Qing period and the leader of assimilation was the Hakka gentry, who were eager to be Qing government officials.
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청 중기 사천의 은유통확대 (銀流通擴大) 와 백련교반란 (白蓮敎反亂)
이준갑(Lee Jun Gab) 중국사학회 1999 中國史硏究 Vol.6 No.-
嘉慶年間的白蓮敎叛亂雖使嘉陵江東邊的四川疲憊不堪, 但령一方面也使大量的白銀流入四川. 從淸朝的內庫, 河南, 山東, 山西的布政司庫銀到廣東, 兩淮鹽商的捐款, 有3千萬兩以上的白銀作爲戰費流入四川. 這些白銀用來發放官兵, 鄕勇的月餉, 支付與軍糧, 軍服, 武器, 輸送等軍需補給有關的商人, 手工業者, 人夫等的費用. 流入這些人手中白銀日后擴大了四川白銀的流通. 通過分析巴縣당案中記載的店鋪, 土地, 房屋等不動産買賣, 典當, 賃貸契約的文書上出現的交易形式. 發現乾隆年間主要用銅錢, 嘉慶, 道光年間至要用白銀進行交易. 用白銀交納押租的傾向也是從嘉慶年間開始越來越明顯. 白銀流通的擴散當然體現了淸初以來米穀輸出, 商品生産和交易擴大等經濟發展的結果. 可是如果只强調這一点的話, 那마四川的貿易中心地巴縣(重慶)在嘉慶年間白銀流通擴大的理由就無法說明了. 隨着白銀流通的擴大和淸朝初期以來經濟的持續發展, 嘉慶, 道光年間四川商人有了長足的發展. 四川商人們在白蓮敎叛亂時投機穀物成功后, 開始參與遠距離貿易和海外貿易, 還有商品農作物的栽培和流通, 幷將栽培玉米, 馬鈴薯, 甘藷産生的剩餘糧食輸出, 幷參與了與陜西商人合作等多種貿易活動, 蓄積了資本, 幷向外省貿易擴展活動范圍. 自白蓮敎叛亂, 淸朝因爲龐大的戰費支出而蕩盡了財政的영餘, 無法負擔的財政赤字使得淸朝日漸衰退. 可是作爲白蓮敎叛亂鎭壓費用而流入的白銀却活躍了地區經濟. 當淸朝走向衰退的時候, 四川反而白銀流通急速擴散, 四川商人也隨之迅速成長積累了흔大的財富. 就這樣, 除了輸出穀物, 商品經濟發展等經濟因素以外, 白蓮敎叛亂這個非經濟因素也成爲白銀流通擴散的重要背景. 這就是在淸朝中期四川的白銀流通過程中表現出的歷史特點.
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이준갑 명청사학회 2019 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.52
In this paper, I looked at the actual aspects of Catholic persecution conducted in Qianlong reign, and looked at how the Catholic community was able to survive even in persecution, from a religious perspective as well as from a political, social and economic perspective. Those who suppressed the Catholic were its relatives, neighbors, government officials and emperor Qianlong. In the Ming-Qing era, the trend of filing lawsuits was popular, but there were many cases in which ordinary people hesitated to file charges or file. They chose a third relationship with Catholics that coexist in the blood linked community and local community, whether they like it or not, if possible. Most of the officials oppressed Catholics, but some of them chose a third relationship with the Western missionaries in Beijing, which was acquiesced without joining the crackdown. Emperor Qianlong gave so called ‘exceptional grace’(格外之恩) to Western missionaries standing by his side. He showed clemency to them from the view point of China being the center of the world. Emperor Qianlong was a oppressor of Catholicism, but on the other hand, he also established a third relationship that let the Catholic to be maintained. It is hard to understand the relationship between the Qing Dynasty in Qianlong reign and Catholicism from the dichotomous view of persecuting and persecuted. Only when we establish a third relationship of symbiosis, acquiescence and so called ‘exceptional grace’, we can understand it correctly. Among the Catholic communities scattered throughout China, the community in Beijing, the capital city, was safer than the other communities in the third relationship allowed by Emperor Qianlong. In the event of the Catholic oppression, Western missionaries tried to protect the entire Chinese Catholic community through political activity. In addition to the religious motivation of avoiding oppression, the Mahanshan Catholic community in Gucheng County, Hubei Province, emerged amid the social and economic trend of developing a mountain area in Hubei Province. Catholics in the Mabanshan community reclaimed land under poor conditions by jointly working on the distributed land. The Mabansan community could continue to exist because of relatively weak suppression of the Qing Dynasty in spite of the low productivity of the crop. The Jingdezhen Catholic community emerged amid social and economic trends in which small and medium-sized cities appeared and grew, in various parts of China during the Ming-Qing era. The ceramic makers and workers, who are the main members of the Jingdezhen Catholic community, were mostly migrants who came from other district. They had low wages. So I lived in poverty in Jingdezhen where prices were high. So mutual assistance served as a key factor in making the Jingdezhen community exist. The way in which Catholic communities survive in response to the suppression of the Qing was quite different, depending on the political, social and economic conditions of each of them. However, there was also a factor that brought them together. It was a religious aspect shared by each community. These include Catholicism's religious life and the itinerant activities of Western missionaries. Catholics lived a religious life at home, removing ancestral tablets and following their daily routines. Catholics in the area where missionaries and internal priests reside regularly held sacred ceremonies at churches and small gatherings. In areas other than that, holy rites were performed only when priests toured. Western missionaries disciplined those who betrayed their religion, re-engaged those who repented, took care of those who suffered while keeping faith. The religious life of Catholics and the itinerant activities of Western missionaries were elements shared among all the Catholic communities in China. At the same time, it was also the most fundamental factor that allowed the Catholic community to maintain.
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