이베로아메리카

皇甫永祚(Hwangbo Yeong-Jo) 역사학회 2007 역사학보 Vol.0 No.195

프랑코 체제와 대중

皇甫永祚(Hwangbo Yeong-jo) 역사학회 2004 역사학보 Vol.0 No.182

Francoism is maintained through a dialectic mechanism of interaction between coercion and consent (or consensus). Through a historiographic overview of Francoism, we have come to know that coercion and consent, which are key to understanding the regime, have not yet been thoroughly studied. In particular, the dimension of consent or consensus that aids in understanding the relation between Francoism and the masses is only beginning to be studied. This analyzes mass politics with which the Franco regime tried to secure the support of the people by either soliciting their passive consent or active consensus; when the regime failed to either, it tried to make the masses indifferent to politics. To more deeply understand the mass politics of Francoism, analysis of the following four subjects is required. The first is the myths associated with the Franco regime, which must have exercised a greater influence on daily life than most people realize. The myth of Franco 'Caudillo' is a typical example. Franco, who was a 'Caudillo of Victory' who was victorious in the Civil War, was rediscovered as a 'Caudillo of Peace.' It goes without saying that this kind of myth was used to either legitimize the regime or Nuevo Estado. The second is National Catholicism, which appears to have served as a kind of political religion. It is well known that political religion held consolidate regimes under Italian fascism and German nazism. The third is the role of education. The myths mentioned exerted more permanent force through the systematic guidance and education given in primary and secondary schools. The fourth is cultural policy, which operated in areas such as films, football, bullfights, literatura de quiosco, radio, television, etc.

논문 : 스페인 현대사에 관한 수정주의 해석과 그 등장 배경

황보영조 ( Yeong-jo Hwangbo ) 역사교육학회 2016 역사교육논집 Vol.58 No.-

The memory boom that has upsurged even higher in the Spanish society of the early 21st Century eventually get to develop into the debate on the revisionism of the contemporary history of Spain. The conservative history writers and journalists recently have begun to publish a variety of books that have a tendency of defending the achievements of the Francoist Dictatorship, casting a doubt on the progressive interpretations of the contemporary history that have dominated the academic history of Spain. That is, the revisionists have challenged the ``official`` or ``public`` history. Spanish academic circles of history have responded critically to this revisionism, while some of them are giving it positive support. In this paper, we are going to examine what the revisionist themes are, why the revisionists has got to appear at this time, and how the academic historians have responded. We hope that this analysis will make a great contribution to a better understanding of the present and future historiography of the contemporary history of Spain.

역사와 관광 : 20세기 에스파냐 관광 정책의 주요 흐름

황보영조 ( Hwangbo Yeong Jo ) 대구사학회 2010 대구사학 Vol.99 No.-

관광정책, 산티아고 길, 왕립관광실, 국립관광후원회, 관광총국, 파라도르 프로젝트, Tourist Policy, Camino de Santiago, Comisaria Regia de Turismo, Patronato Nacional del Turismo, Direccion General de Turismo, Parador Project

연구논문 : 프랑코 체제와 축구

황보영조 ( Yeong Jo Hwangbo ) 호남사학회(구-전남사학회) 2006 역사학연구 Vol.28 No.-

논문(論文) : 아리스멘디가 꿈꾼 협동조합 질서

황보영조 ( Yeong Jo Hwangbo ) 대구사학회 2012 대구사학 Vol.107 No.-

In this paper we examine the order of cooperatives that Jose Maria Arizmendiarrieta dreamed of. Arizmendiarrieta, a catholic priest, is the one who was leading the internationally renowned Mondragon cooperatives of the Basque region of Spain. The Mondragon cooperatives are seen the leading alternative model to standard industrial organization. They are considered to be the most successful example of democratic decision making and worker ownership. The Mondragon cooperatives have been the object of much attention by social scientists until now. Here, we deal with them at the history of enterprise level. The Mondragon cooperatives have been the realization of Arizmendiarrieta`s greatest vision. Then, what has been his ambitious vision? What is the new order that he tried to bring an idea to fruition in the Basque region? How has responded the people to his cooperative movement in his time? These are the main questions that we are going to examine here.

논문 : 프랑코 정권 초기의 교육 정책

황보영조 ( Yeong Jo Hwangbo ) 대구사학회 2013 대구사학 Vol.111 No.-

Education Policy in the Beginning of the Franco Regime Hwangbo, Yeong-jo [Abstract] The modern dictators were apt to consider the education policy very important because they thought school was an institution for passing their ideologies on to the new generations. The spanish dictator, Francisco Franco, was no exception. The education policy was not unvarying under the Franco Regime. We may divide the period of the Franco Regime into three stages with a view to examine its education policy. That is the beginning from 1938 to 1945, the middle from 1945 to 1962, the end from 1962 to 1975. At the beginning they established the national-catholic education system; at the middle the national-catholicism reached its peak and faced a social and economic challenge, and at the end they founded the technocratic system in the educational institution. Here we examine the first stage that the national-catholic education policy was set up. At this stage the educational authorities censored the books and teaching materials and purged the schoolteachers who didn`t follow or support the National Movement. There was also a struggle for leadership in education between the Falange and the Catholic Church of Spain. Eventually, the latter won the struggle and the result has been reflected in the Law of Elementary Education of 1945. We examine the procedures of being established this education policy and its main contents based on the documents such as laws, orders and circulars. we confine this analysis to the elementary education.

논문(論文) : 후안 마르치의 변신: "강도 귀족"에서 박애주의자로

황보영조 ( Yeong Jo Hwangbo ) 대구사학회 2015 대구사학 Vol.121 No.-

최근 들어 기업가의 박애가 관심과 논란의 대상이 되고 있다. 현대적 의미의 박애는 말 그대로 인류 전체에 관심을 둔다. 이러한 관심이 일반 목적을 추구하는 ``재단`` 설립으로 표현되었다. 이러한 의미에서 미국 기업가들의 박애 활동을 연구한 이가 바로 미국의 기업사가 올리비에 준즈이다. 그가 기업사 연구의 지평을 확대해놓았다. 이제 박애 연구의 대상을 미국 기업가들에서 유럽 기업가들로 넓힐 필요가 있다. 비교 연구가 필요하기 때문이다. 이런 점에서 에스파냐 기업가 후안 마르치는 매우 좋은 사례가 된다. 마르치는 사실 1940년대까지만 해도 "강도 귀족"으로 알려져 있었다. 그러던 그가 1950년대 후반 들어 "위대한 박애주의자"로 칭송을 받게 되었다. 1955년 11월에 재단을 설립하고 재산의 상당 부분을 사회에 환원하기 시작했기 때문이다. 여기서는 마르치가 박애활동을 펴게 된 계기가 무엇이고 그가 설립한 재단의 사업과 활동이 에스파냐 사회에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지를 분석한다. 이러한 점들을 최근 출간된 그의 전기들과 후안마르치재단의 정관, 후안마르치재단이 펴낸 활동 보고서들을 중심으로 살펴본다. Recently, the enterpriser``s philanthropy has been at the center of attention and debate in academic sphere. The philanthropy in a modern sense literally pays attention to the problems of all mankind. This concern has been expressed in establishing a "foundation" which pursues a general purpose. It is an american historian of enterprise Olivier Zunz who has studied philanthropical activities of American enterprisers in a modern sense. He has enlarged a research area of business history. Now, it is time for us to expand our study to European enterprisers for the purpose of comparative study. In this respect, we need to study a Spanish enterpriser, Juan March Ordinas, who gives us an excellent and pertinent example of comparison. In fact, Juan March had been known for "robber baron" until the 1940s. However, it was in the late 1950s that he was praised as a great philanthropist. The main reason is that he established Juan March Foundation in November, 1955, and devoted a considerable portion of his wealth to Spanish society. In this paper, we analyze why he started philanthropical activities and what influence the Foundation``s business and activities exerted on Spanish society. We examine these points in his biographies as well as articles of association and activity reports of the Foundation.

20세기 초 에스파냐 신맬서스주의 운동의 성격과 한계

황보영조(Hwangbo, Yeong-Jo) 부산대학교 인문학연구소 2016 코기토 Vol.- No.79

20세기 초 에스파냐에서는 산아제한을 주장하는 신맬서스주의 운동이 일어났다. 세계인류재생연맹의 에스파냐 지부를 설립한 1904년부터 제1차 세계대전이 발발한 1914년까지 전개된 에스파냐 신맬서스주의 운동은 주로 카탈루냐 지방을 중심으로 진행되었다. 이 글에서는 이 시기에 전개된 에스파냐 신맬서스주의 운동의 성격과 한계를 살펴보고자 한다. 이를 위해서 신맬서스주의의 수용과 확산 과정, 신맬서스주의 운동가들의 활약과 그들이 주장한 신맬서스주의의 내용, 정부당국의 대응과 비판 등을 분석해볼 필요가 있다. 이 연구를 위해 당대에 발행된 신맬서스주의 관련 잡지와 팸플릿을 분석했다. 에스파냐연맹의 기관지 살룻 이 푸에르사, 아나키스트들이 출판한 팸플릿 출산파업과 자유 생식 등이 그것이다. 그 성격이 일부 아나키스트들이 주도한 급진적 혁명운동이자 변혁운동임을 밝힌 이 연구는 운동의 성격을 둘러싼 학자들의 논란을 해소하는데는 물론이고 한걸음 더 나아가 유럽 각국의 신맬서스주의 운동을 비교연구하는 데 이바지할 것이다. In the early 20th Century there was a Neo-Malthusianism that advocated birth control, in Spain. This movement was going along mainly in Catalonia. Its first stage began in 1904 when the Spanish chapter of the Universal Federation of Human Regeneration was established, and came to an end in 1914 when the First World War broke out. In this paper we examine character and limits of Spanish Neo-Malthusianism in this period. For this, it is necessary to deal with the introduction and spread of the movement, Neo-Malthusian’s activities, Neo-Malthusian doctrines, the authorities’s response and criticism, etc. Here, we analyze some articles of the magazines and pamphlets which some Neo-Malthusians published. These articles and pamphlets are very important sources. We have assured that the Spanish Neo-Malthusianism was a radical and revolutionary movement with which some anarchists pushed ahead. It seems that this paper will contribute to the further comparative studies of European Neo-Malthusianisms as well as the solution of controversy over the character of Spanish Neo-Malthusianism.

특집 : 서양 현대 민주연합 ; 에스파냐 인민전선의 성립과정

황보영조 ( Yeong Jo Hwangbo ) 한국서양사학회 2011 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.109

The Popular Front of Spain was formally created on 15 January 1936. It was a broad electoral coalition of six political parties, together with the socialist union, UGT, and the Young Socialists. How could such a diverse and different political groups reach this Pact? This is the main question to answer in this paper. At the end of 1934 there emerged from the weakest sectors of the left political parties two proposals. These were both destined to reduce the left`s fragmentation and division. The first proposal came from the Spanish Communist Party, which at that stage was extremely small and consequently lacked any real influence among Spanish workers. The second proposal emerged from the Republican Left and more particularly from the party`s leader, Manuel Azana. But the communist leaders were obliged to accept that the Socialists were not interested in unity of action initiatives, while Azana was also blocked any formal advance in the collaboration with the Socialists by Largo Caballero. In the second half of 1935 there were some changes in the strategy of Largo Caballero and in the tactics of the Spanish Communist Party, while Azana formally contacted the Socialist Party executive to propose that an electoral coalition be formed. This proposal of an electoral coalition was accepted under the condition that the labor groups such as the socialist and communist labor unions should be permitted to take part in. In short, heterogeneity of political groups signed the pact. This scarcely disguised the very limited commitment which each had acquired in signing, just as the disparity of their ultimate objectives and the fragility of the alliance itself remained equally visible. So, once formed the coalition proved to be an excellent instrument for procuring electoral victory but the worst possible tool of government. The forces of the Spanish left were united for the elections, but the Popular Front was a precarious unity.