시진핑으로의 권력집중 현상 분석: 신설 기구와 언론 보도를 중심으로

허재철 ( Jai Chul Heo ) 전북대학교 사회과학연구소 2014 지역과 세계 Vol.38 No.2

본 논문은 권력의 집중과 분산이라는 현상에 주목하여 시진핑 정권 출범 이후 이에 대한 변화 여부를 살펴봤다. 시진핑 정권 출범 이후 가장 눈에 띄는 변화의 하나는 다양한 영도소조와 위원회가 신설됐다는 것이고, 여기에는 복수의 상무위원이 동시에 구성원으로 참여하는 특징이 나타나고 있다. 게다가 시진핑이 조장(혹은 주석)을 맡고 다른 상무위원들이 부조장(혹은 부주석)을 맡게 됨으로써 최고 지도부 구성원들 간의 서열이 공식화됐다. 또한, 새로운 권력기관의 탄생으로 불리는 중앙개혁 소조와 중앙국안위를 모두 시진핑이 직접 진두지휘하게 되면서 시진핑으로 권력집중이 진행되고 있는 것으로 보인다. 한편, 시진핑 정권 출범 이후 최고 지도자에 대한 보도량에 변화가 있는지를 「신원롄보(新??播)」와 30개의 신문을 통해 살펴봤다. 그 결과 과거에 비해 전체 상무위원 관련 보도 중에서 최고 지도자에 대한 보도가 차지하는 비중이 현저하게 증가한 것을 발견할 수 있었다. 이와 같은 현상만으로 집단지도체제가 후퇴하고 있다고 단언할 수는 없지만, 그동안 집단지도체제 아래서 분산되어 있던 권력이 시진핑 1인으로 집중되고 있는 것은 분명해 보인다. This paper analyzed whether there was the change on the phenomenon of concentration and dispersion of power in china after XI Jinping regime was launched or not. One of the most noticeable changes after XI Jinping regime is that a variety of leading groups and committees were established continuously in Chinese Communist Party. Furthermore, several members of the Standing Committee of Chinese Communist Party are participating in these organizations as the member. In addition, the pecking order among members of the Standing Committee has been formulated as XI Jinping is in charge of President and the other members of the Standing Committee is in charge of Vice President or general member. XI Jinping, moreover, is in charge of not only the President of Central to Deepen Reform Leading Group and the Central Committee for State Security which are called new power organizations. This implies that the concentration of power to XI Jinping is proceeding. This paper, on the other hand, analyzed whether there was a change in the media coverage for the top leaders after the Xi Jinping regime through examining 「CCTV News(新??播)」and thirty newspaper or not. As a result, the amount of the coverage reporting the top leaders is significantly increased than that in the past. These phenomenons, however, cannot affirm that a collective leadership system of China is collapsing. Nevertheless, tt seems clear that diffuse power under a collective leadership system is being concentrated in the hands of XI Jinping.

【사회과학(社會科學)】 : 한중 해양경계획정 보도의 뉴스 정보원 연결망 분석 -SNA 분석을 통한 세 가지 보도 사례를 중심으로-

허재철 ( Jai Chul Heo ) 한국외국어대학교 중국연구소 2014 中國硏究 Vol.62 No.-

In accordance with the outcome of the Korea-China summit talks held on last July, it is expected that full-fledged negotiations for delimitation of maritime boundaries including exclusive economic zones(EEZ) between the two countries will start from the next year. Generally, news media plays an important roles in the establishment of the government``s foreign policy such as delimitation of maritime boundaries, and makes public opinion. So, this paper selected the three incidents related to delimitation of maritime boundaries between the two countries, and analyzed trends of media coverage, especially news source network through Social Network Analysis(SNA). As a result, the analysis shows the trends have the following characteristics. First, it was founded that Korean news media reported related issues more frequently than the Chinese news media did. Second, The Global Times(環球時報) played an important roles on this issue in China. Third, The Global Times(環球時報) referenced Yonhap News Agency and Chosun Ilbo among Korean news media as the main news sources. Fourth, two countries`` news media showed a tendency to using domestic experts as the main news sources. These have some implications for the following delimitation of maritime boundaries negotiation between two countries which will be held in next year. First of all, the frequent exchange between the two countries’ experts for the issue is urgently needed. It is because expert``s role is very important on this issue. Next, the Global Times(環球時報) should not have a bias against Yonhap News Agency and Chosun Ilbo, but try to report accurately the opinion of South Korea through referencing various Korean news media. Finally, the Global Times(環球時報), Yonhap News Agency and Chosun Ilbo must have a responsibility to play an important role on this issue, and try to make an objective and impartial report. It is necessary that the government and private sector consider these three media as an important object of public diplomacy on the issue at the same time.

논문 : 동북아 해양 귀속권 분쟁 보도와 지역안보: 한,중,일 신문의 독도, 이어도, 조어도에 대한 보도를 중심으로

허재철 ( Jai Chul Heo ) 연세대학교 사회과학연구소 2012 社會科學論集 Vol.43 No.2

동북아 지역의 주요 구성원인 한국과 중국, 일본은 각각 독도, 이어도, 조어도 문제를 둘러싸고 서로 해양 귀속권 분쟁을 벌이고 있다. 그리고 이러한 분쟁은 쉽게 해결되지 않은 채, 이 지역 안보의 불안 요인으로 작용하고 있다. 본 연구는 지역안보라는 국제정치학적 관점에서, 한·중·일 신문의 독도, 이어도, 조어도 분쟁에 대한 보도태도를 살펴봤다. 먼저, 분쟁이 외교적인 방법을 통해 합리적으로 해결되기 위해서는 분쟁지역에 대한 정보가 당사국 국민에게 제대로 제공되어야 하는데, 분석결과 3개국 언론의 정보제공 기능에 있어 부정확성과 편향성이 나타났다. 또 분쟁에 대한 대응방법에 있어서도 지역안보를 불안하게 할 수 있는 ``강경``, 또는 ``단호``한 대응을 선호하는 것으로 나타났으며, 대화와 교류가 분쟁으로 인해 축소, 단절되는 상황에 대해서도 방관 또는 조장하는 태도를 보였다. 그리고 이러한 보도태도는 정도의 차이는 있지만, 분쟁이 부각될 경우 반복되어 나타났다. 동북아 지역안보를 유지하기 위해서는 해양귀속권 분쟁에 대한 평화적이고 합리적인 해결이절실하며, 이를 위해서는 언론의 보도태도에 개선이 필요하다. Recently, there have emerged a series of maritime disputes including Dokdo, Ieodo and Senkaku(Diaoyudao) among South Korea, China, and Japan. As these three countries are major members of the Northeast Asian region, their disputes are challenging the regional stability without progress toward solution. Based on theoretical basis that the media reports can affect regional security, this article analyzes a reporting attitude of Korean, Chinese and Japanese medias about Dokdo, Ieodo and Senkaku(Diaoyudao) disputes from a view of International Politics. The main observation is that media of the three countries provided incorrect and biased facts regarding maritime disputes, although correct and unbiased information serves as a basis for people to address these issues in reasonable and diplomatic ways. When suggesting necessary responses as well, the media of three countries generally preferred a hard-line policy emphasizing inflexibility and resoluteness, which can negatively affect the regional security. Also, they showed stand-by or instigating the situation where the disputing countries reduced and almost severed dialogue and cultural exchanges in response to the maritime disputes. Despite variation in degrees among periods, this tendency was repeated and intensified when the maritime dispute issues were emerged. To make a more secure Northeast Asia, maritime disputes should be resolved through peaceful and reasonable ways. For this purpose, the media of three countries need to improve reporting attitudes about maritime disputes.

언론 네트워크를 통해 본 한중관계: 텍스트 및 매체 차원의 네트워크 분석을 중심으로

허재철 ( Heo Jai Chul ) 현대중국학회 2017 現代中國硏究 Vol.18 No.4

본 연구는 한중관계를 네트워크 분석을 통해 새로운 시각에서 조명해보고자 했다. 특히, 양국 관계를 형성하고 있는 다양한 네트워크 중에서 국내 여론 및 외교정책 수립에 있어 중요한 행위자 역할을 하고 있는 언론에 초점을 맞춰, 이들이 형성하고 있는 두 가지의 네트워크를 살펴봤다. 먼저, 텍스트 차원의 네트워크 분석을 통해 지난 15년간 한중 언론이 양국 관계에 대해 어떻게 보도해 왔는지 그 경향을 살펴봤다. 결과, 양국언론은 한중관계를 `협력`, `발전`, `동반자` 등 긍정적인 개념들과 연계하여 보도하는 등 전체적으로 우호적인 관점에서 보도해 온 것으로 나타났다. 하지만 최근 양국 사이에 사드 배치 문제가 불거지면서 이러한 경향에 변화가 발생하고 있음도 드러났다. 한편, 매체 차원의 네트워크 분석을 통해 양국 사이에서 중요한 행위자역할을 하고 있는 언론 매체들을 살펴봤다. 결과, 한국 언론에서는 ≪연합뉴스≫와 ≪KBS≫, ≪YTN≫이, 중국 언론에서는 ≪신화사≫와 ≪인민일보≫, ≪환구시보≫가 중요한 행위자 역할을 하는 것으로 나타났다. 특히, 중국의 ≪환구시보≫는 과도한 민족주의 성향 등 부정적 평가에도 불구하고 한국 언론으로부터 중요한 정보원(情報原)으로서 이용되고 있었다. 이와 같은 분석 결과를 통해, 한중 언론이 양국관계를 전체적으로 어떻게 묘사해 왔는지 객관적으로 살펴볼 수 있었고, 동시에 한중관계에 있어 주요 행위자 매체를 밝혀냄으로써 양국 사이의 정보 흐름을 보다 구체화할 수 있었으며, 이러한 사실들이 한중관계에 의미하는 바에 대해서 고찰할 수 있었다. This study focused on the news media network formed between South Korea and China with the background of Network Theory of World Politics. This is because news media are important actors who can influence a country`s foreign policy and, moreover, the relations between countries. Therefore, this study tried to understand the relationship between the two countries from a new perspective by analyzing two kinds of news media networks formed between the two countries. As a result, analysis of the last 15 years of media coverage of the two countries focusing on the semantic network revealed several facts including a tendency to report and important issues in the two countries` relations. Next, the following facts were found in the analysis of the news source network. Important actors as mediators between the two countries were identified for the Yon-hap News Agency, KBS and YTN of South Korea; Xinhua News Agency, People`s Daily, and Global Times of China. In particular, Global Times of China has been used as an important news source by the media in Korea, despite the lack of a good reputation.

Analysis of Modern China’s Summit Network

Jai-Chul Heo(허재철) 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2017 중소연구 Vol.41 No.3

This research aims to study Chinese diplomacy in terms of networks. With the gradual rise of interest in Chinese diplomacy and the invigoration of network theory in various academic spheres, examining Chinese diplomacy in terms of networks is meaningful for both scholarship and policy. Perceiving among the various diplomatic networks the symbolism and importance of summits carried out by national leaders, this research articulates Chinese-led summits in terms of networks, which are then analyzed in order to examine the diplomacy of modern China. As a result, this study reaffirmed the existing research achievements through the network analysis, and was able to make the contents clearer which have been discussed in rather obscured way. At the same time, it was able to solidify the understanding of the Chinese diplomacy more by revealing graphs and maps with regard to the PRC’s diplomatic pattern via the analysis of the summit network. First, given the trend of annually held summits, we could examine the transitions and periodic characteristics of Chinese diplomacy. Also, by using graphs to visualize the summit network, we could not only verify at a glance at which period and with which state China had held active summit conferences during the past 60 years, but also discover the structural attributes of the summit network. Moreover, the ‘standardized actor degree centrality’, which measures the summit counterparts of China, enabled a more concrete assessment of the major partner for each period. As there are limits to explaining all the diplomacy by mere analysis of summits, more diverse aspects of Chinese diplomacy should be examined in the future by unveiling and analyzing other networks established by Chinese diplomacy. On the other hand, by creating a map showing China’s major summit partners in each period, we could examine summit diplomacy in terms of its geographical development as well as the “One Belt, One Road” initiative highlighted by the Xi Jinping’s regime. As there are limits to explaining all the diplomacy by mere analysis of summits, more diverse aspects of Chinese diplomacy should be examined in the future by unveiling and analyzing other networks established by Chinese diplomacy.

한국(韓國)의 강릉단오제(江陵端午祭)와 중국(中國)의 반한(反韓) 정서(情緖)

임상훈 ( Sang Hun Lim ),허재철 ( Jai Chul Heo ) 전북대학교 인문학연구소 2015 건지인문학 Vol.13 No.-

By the modern and present the Korean-Chinese relations which were severed show activity as never before since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1992. Close relationship between Korea and China are reaping a great success in many fields such as not only economy but also cultural and private exchanges. However, there are a lot of dissonance in the rear of the friendly relationship between two countries. The historical disputes between Korean and Chinese, which has become an issue after ‘Gangneung Dano Festival’ of South Korea was designated as world Cultural Heritage in 2005, were provoked into anti-korean sentiment in China. Even now many Chinese people consider that Korea plunders Chinese culture. Thus, the paper examines ‘Korean Genesis Theory’ which mainly disclosing chinese anti-korean sentiment in Korean-Chinese historical disputes. Even though most of the claims have been turned out fabricated falsehood by certain Chinese, these claims have already spreaded throughout many Chinese, and distorting the image of Korea. Next, it analyzes the phenomenon of anti-Korean sentiment, and tries to find the cause and solution. Through the past history, it also looks for the origin of the historical disputes between the two countries. Finally, it suggests several proposals for resolving Korea-China historical disputes and conflicts.