樵南 李啓秀의 車戰歌를 통해본 19세기의 安東車戰

한양명(Han Yang-myung) 한국민속학회 2003 韓國民俗學 Vol.38 No.1

Chonam(樵南) Lee, Gye-Su who was province Sunbi(선비) in nineteen century wrote a poetry about Andong-Chageon-nori. That poetry include a contents to be few about traditional play. Especially his poetry provide us with so much informations to be connected provincial competitive play. Chageon of 'Upchi'(traditional downtown) had very big scale group-play including country side peoples near by downtown area. All of the people participated in that play. And the winners received rewards like money, cloths and so on, from provincial governors. He wrote items very concretely as like the method of play, the shape of chageon, and scenary of that situation in that poetry. The shape of the Chageon in that poetry of chageonga is like a wagon. This is some different thing on comparing with recent shape of chageon. The poetry of chageon not only show us to performing context of chageon-nori in nineteen century, but also to provide beneficial informations for understanding of provincial festival that called as Daedongnori. Therefore, nineteen century's chageon-nori in Andong area has specific properties like below. First, the participation of provincial government officials. Second, the participation of women and Yangban(兩班). Third, that time, chageon-nori in Andong was some competitive play that mixed with some ground fight and an air battle.

안동지역 양반 뱃놀이(船遊)의 사례와 그 성격

한양명(Han Yang-Myeong) 실천민속학회 2008 실천민속학연구 Vol.12 No.-

지금까지 한국민속학의 학문적 관심은 주로 전통사회의 하층문화/농민문화에 초점을 맞춰왔다. 이에 따라 전통사회의 지배집단이었던 양반의 문화에 대한 관심은 소홀할 수밖에 없었다. 그러나 신분과 계급, 계층의 차이에도 불구하고 이들의 문화는 배타적으로만 전승된 게 아니라 상호 일정한 영향을 주고받으면서 전승되었고, 큰 틀에서 우리 민족문화를 구성하는 두 축이었다는 점을 감안할 때, 향후 양반문화에 대한 관심은 보다 확대되어야 할 것이다. 이런 맥락에서 이 연구는 양반들의 여가문화를, 특히 뱃놀이를 중심으로 살펴보았다. 연구대상지역인 안동은 예로부터 ‘양반고을’로 명성이 자자했던 곳으로서 낙동강이 고을을 휘감고 흘러 뱃놀이를 하기에 더없이 좋은 자연환경을 갖고 있었다. 이에 따라 다양한 모습의 뱃놀이가 전승되었는데, 크게 ‘체류형’과 ‘유람형’ 뱃놀이로 나눌 수 있었다. 전자는 풍류공간화한 삶터의 주변에서 펼쳐지는 뱃놀이로서 농암 이현보의 뱃놀이와 퇴계 이황의 뱃놀이로 대표된다. 같은 유형에 속하면서도 농암의 뱃놀이는 세속의 가치로부터 자유로운 노장 취향의 뱃놀이인데 비해 퇴계의 뱃놀이는 자연의 품에서 우주의 이치를 궁구하는 수양과 공부의 일환으로서 유가적인 것이었다. 한편 ‘유람형’의 뱃놀이는 ‘체류형’의 뱃놀이와는 달리, 삶터를 훌쩍 떠나 지인들과 함께 여러 날 동안 배를 타고 이동하며 행로 주변의 유적을 탐방하고 자연을 완상하는 놀이로서 체류형에 비해 비일상성이 높고, 오늘날의 여행 또는 관광의 개념에 상당히 다가선 것이었다. 이처럼 양반들이 즐긴 뱃놀이는, 일(본업)과의 경계를 분명히 하는 근대적 여가개념으로 봤을 때 여가행위로 단정하는 데 무리가 따른다. 유가에서 자연은 공부와 수양의 대상이고, 그 자연의 품속에서 노니는 뱃놀이는 그 연장선에 있기 때문이다. 물론 ‘유람형’의 경우 ‘체류형’에 비해서 비일상성이 높고 ‘체류형’에서도 농암 스타일이 퇴계 스타일에 비해 그러하지만, 정도의 차이일 뿐 일과 놀이의 경계가 모호한 것은 크게 다르지 않다. 따라서 뱃놀이의 여가성 또는 놀이성은 전일적으로 판단할 문제가 아니라 체험의 주체인 놀이자의 인식과 체험의 질에 따라 파악하는 것이 바람직한 것으로 보인다. Korean folkloristics has been mainly concerned about the lower classes culture or peasant culture of the traditional society. Indeed it was indifferent to the culture of the yangban who was the ruling class in the traditional society. Though their social position, class and stratum were different from the lower classes, we need to expand our attention to the yangban culture in that their culture was composed of the one side of korean culture and was not exclusive of the lower culture. On the this context, this study pays attention to the leisure culture yangban of a boating. Andong has been famous for the yangban county from old times and got a complete natural environment for a boating. Hereupon, Andong yangban has handed down various types of boating, as a sojourn type and a cruise type. The sojourn type, as a boating of Nongarm and Toyge, was performed around a refined life(Pungryu) space. However, while Nongarm’s boating type was free from the secular value, Toyge’s boating type was a Confucian taste meditating the principle of the space from the nature. On the other hand, the cruise type was a boating which performers got out of an ordinary life with acquaintances for days by boat, inquired some historic sites, and appreciated the surrounding nature. On this point, The boating of cruise type is inordinary and similar to modern travel or tourism concept. Like this, yangban’s boating can’t be defined as a leisure behavior of the modern concept that labor and leisure are distinguished from each other. because the nature in Confucian taste is the object of study and moral training, and a boating is closely connected with those study and training. Therefore, the character of a boating as a leisure or a play must be not judged as a whole but be understanded according to the episteme and quality of experience of the subject of a boating.

축제 정치의 두 풍경

한양명(Han Yang-myong),안태현(토론자) 비교민속학회 2004 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.26

If we could define as politics the process and behaviors that one plans a strategy or competes with any other person for the purpose of achieving one's aim, we could find easily the political aspects in our modem festivals as well as traditional festivals. Gukpung81 and campus festivals are representative cases definitely to show the political aspects of modem festivals. But Gukpung81 was different from campus festivals in the intention of celebrating each festival, even though both of them originated in the same political economic situation. The one was such a festival through which nation's agents, who depended upon the ideology and logic behind the previous government, planned to conceal an immorality of its regime and to calm the resistance and criticism of college students. On the other hand, the other was a festival through which college students themselves designed to reveal an immorality of its regime and to demolish various contradictions of the reality. So, Gukpung81 differed from campus festival in strategy of embodying a festival. While Gukpung81 adapted a concealment strategy to cover up themselves behind the veil of a vague ideology, campus festival was revealing the idea and existence of college students more concretely by practicing the revealment strategy. These features had an effect on the methods of organizing and performing the festivals. Gukpung81 took a style of a variety show without a specific plot, and regarded participants as only performers or passive onlookers. But campus festivals presented a striking contrast to Gukpung81, because they combined some traditional village rituals or various styles of folk rites with many practical subjects. Both of these festivals had a political feature, but their fates were different from each other. Gukpung81 was held once only, but campus festivals had been held from 1983 to the half of 1990's because it had a traditional force. These campus festivals bore some resemblance to the festival politics developed after the French Revolution. Innumerable folk festivals arose from the French Revolution, and they took on a violent and carnival aspect. By using the festival violence and the carnival forms of expression, folks intended to express the revolution and an ideal society which they desired eagerly. Then, elite festival was planned to suppress folk festivals and to establish a safety of society. Gukpung81 reminds us of the elite festival in the French Revolution. But campus festivals have something in common with folk festivals in the French Revolution, in that they accepted the form and content of traditional festivals. Gukpung81, like elite festival, did not have survival forces because it was not supported by the college students. Campus festivals could be kept up continuously and had a profound influence on the whole of college culture at large, as long as their ideology could maintain a practical efficiency.

安東동채싸움 關聯談論의 傅承樣相과 鄕村史的 意味

韓陽明(Han Yang-Myung) 한국민속학회 1994 韓國民俗學 Vol.26 No.1

화전놀이의 축제성과 문화적 의미

한양명(Han Yang-Myeong) 한국민속학회 2001 韓國民俗學 Vol.33 No.1

Hwajeonnori(the play of flower shaped cake) is not a just play but a festival. The women oppressed under patriarchal social structure had left their home and performed their own festival at the beautiful scenery every spring. The study investigated the festivity and cultural meaning of the Hwajeonnori on the basis of the songs of Hwajeonnori. The reason is that they are just poetical compositions which literarily describe a whole course of Hwajueonnori but have value as a faithful ethnography depending on the faces. The tradition of Hwajeonnori departed from the Mrs. Suro’s spring picnic in the Shilla dynasty. The Episode of her represented the diachronic structure that ‘the separation from dailylife repressing women, the entry into the non-dailylife and promotion of status, the separation from non-dailylife, and the incorporation into dailylife and newly stating dailylife’. If we say it is ‘the Suro Model’, it continues the later Hwajeonnori. The home symbolizes a dailylife of women oppressed under the patriarchal social structure. The women establishes their own releasing arena with leaving their homes. They freely dances, sings songs, giggles and chatters. And they reflects their situations and criticizes the society and the ideology making them so. That is to say, it happens many affairs which rarely in dailylife sphere. But the Hwajeonnori is just a instant thing. They must go back home symbolizing daily-life. They have an experience of release on the Hwajeonnori. They more actively live their dailylife only during they have the experience of release. In this aspect, I think that the Hwajeonnori has been a festival of women’s release and a utopian model which let women assure human life.

19세기 중엽, 義城縣의 줄당기기를 통해 본 고을축제의 성격과 문화적 의미

한양명(Han Yang-Myeong) 한국민속학회 2005 韓國民俗學 Vol.42 No.-

옥수 조면호가 남긴 〈삭전가〉와 〈삭전해〉는 19세기의 고을축제와 줄당기기의 존재 양상 및 성격을 파악하는 데 없어서는 안 될 자료이다. 이 자료를 통해 고을을 배경으로 벌어진 축제와 그 중심적 연행인 줄당기기의 존재양상 및 성격, 그리고 문화적 의미를 살펴보았다. 1858년, 의성현의 읍치에서 벌어진 고을축제는 제석의 나례로부터 입춘제를 거쳐 대보름 다음날의 줄당기기까지 이어졌으며, 특히 줄당기기는 축제의 절정부에 자리잡고 있었다. 제석의 나례는 공리가 주관하였고 화룡제와 곡점을 위주로 한 입춘제는 호장이 여러 아전들을 거느리고 거행하였다. 한편 줄당기기는 암줄인 남부와 숫줄인 북부로 편을 갈라 진행하였다. 읍치의 밖에서 만든 줄을 운반하는 과정은 노래와 춤, 그리고 풍물이 함께하는 길놀이로서 ‘거리의 축제’에 다름 아니었고 이런 양상은 다른 길놀이 역시 마찬가지였다. 본격적인 줄당기기는 해가 진 뒤에 능파정에서 벌어졌다. 줄이 도착하면 먼저 줄고사를 올리고 각종 앞놀이를 펼쳤다. 줄당기기는 앞놀이를 마치고 시작하였는데 모두 놀이에 몰입하여 주위의 눈길이나 일신의 안위를 돌아보지 않을 정도로 놀이에 빠져들었다. 승부가 결정되면 이긴 편은 가무를 즐기며 자축하였고 뒤이어 관아 근처의 봉생루에서, 현령이 이긴 편에게 돈과 비단을 내리는 시상식이 있었다. 1858년의 고을축제가 공식적으로 내세운 축제의 의미는 고을의 안과태평을 주술종 교적으로 예측하고 기원하는 데 있었지만, 축제에 관여한 주체들은 각기 상이한 입장을 갖고 있었고, 이 입장을 바탕으로 고을 축제의 문화적 의미가 실현되었다. 지방관은 고을축제를 통해서 민심을 위무함으로써 민정을 안정시키려 하였고, 향리들은 그들과 고을민의 우호적 연대를 확인시키는 한편 그들이 상위에서 고을민을 대표하는 존재임을 납득시키려 하였다. 한편 고을민은, 시공간의 속성과 의미의 변화, 동관의식을 바탕으로 한 축제적 연대, 일상적 차별의 약화와 무화, 언어의 축제화와 축제적 웃음 등을 통해 그들의 축제욕구를 충족하는 한편 지배적 가치들을 상대화함으로써 지방관이나 향리의 의도와는 다르게 현실의 지배관계를 부정할 수도 있는 가능성을 열어두었다. Sakjeunga and Sakjeunhae, which a county magistrate Cho Myun-ho wrote, provide us with reliable intellectual information in grasping the aspects and feature of county festival and tug-of-war in the 19th century. I looked into the aspects, feature and cultural meaning of a festival and tug-of-war of central performance performed in a county. In 1859, the festival which had performed in downtown of Uiseong county was composed of the sequence of Nare of the New Year’s Eve, the ritual of the day which signals the arrival of spring, and tug-of-war of the 16th of January. Nare of the New Year's Eve manege under the supervision of lower official Gongri, and the ritual of the day which signals the arrival of spring was conducted by the town head of Hojang with a large number of petty town officials. On the other hand, tug-of-war was performed with people divided into the southern part of female rope and the northern part of male rope. When people carried the rope made in the outside of downtown, they performed a dance and song, and played the instruments for folk music. It was be nothing but ‘street festival’ as a parade Gilnori. An earnest tug-of-war was performed around Nyungpajung after the sunset. After the rope arrived there, they held the kosa rites and did various playing of Apnori. People began to do tug-of-war after Apnori, and was absorbed in it as seriously as they disregarded their own safety and others’ eyes. After win and loss was decided, winners celebrated by themselves with song and dance and county magistrate awarded silk fabrics and money as a prize to them. In 1858, officially downtown festival magico-religiously prayed for the safety and tranquility of a county, but participant in a festival held different standpoints each other. cultural meaning of festival was realized on the base of those different standpoints. The local magistrate tried to stabilized a civil government by consoling the people of county. On the other side lower officials tried to establish friendly relations with county people, and made them consent to be representatives of county people. By satisfying their festival desire and refusing a ruling value through the attribute and meaning of time and place, festival solidarity, the weakness and demolition of social distinction, and the festivalization of language, county people opened the possibility to deny a social ruling relationship in reality.

울산 매귀악(煤鬼樂)의 성격과 민속사적 의의

한양명(Han, Yang-Myeong) 비교민속학회 2015 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.56

오랜 세월 동안 역사의 그늘 속에 감춰져 있던 울산의 매귀악이 그 모습을 드러낸 것은 조선 영조 25년(1749)에 편찬된 『학성지』가 공개된 이후이다. 『학성지』 풍속 조에는 매귀악에 관한 내용이 비교적 소상하게 담겨 있다. 그 내용을 살펴보면 묵은해의 섣달에서부터 새해의 대보름에 이르기까지 풍물을 바탕으로 전개된 새해맞이축제의 과정과 민간나례로서 매귀악의 면모가 드러난다. 뿐만 아니라 종이로 만든 크고 작은 기(旗)와 기두(?頭) 가면, 축역(逐疫)을 위해 등걸을 태우면서 교창(交唱)한 주사(呪辭) 등 지금까지 잘 알려지지 않은 내용들이 포함되어서, 전근대시기에 전승된 민간나례의 실상을 파악하고 전승의 맥락을 이해하는 데 많은 도움이 된다. 비록 문면에는 보이지 않지만 전통적 새해맞이축제의 일반적 존재양상과 연행원리를 감안해서 학성지의 기록을 독해하면 이면에 숨어 있는 새해맞이축제의 구조가 드러난다. 그 구조는 ‘젊은이들이 소기(小旗)를 세우고 주위에서 풍물을 치며 서낭신을 맞이하는 영신(迎神) - 서낭신을 위한 제사와 대동놀음으로 이뤄지는 공동체 차원의 오신(娛神) - 대기(大旗)에 서낭신을 모시고 지신을 밟으면서 벌이는 가정 차원의 오신 - 지신밟기를 마친 뒤에 기를 등걸과 함께 태움으로써 신을 보내드리는 송신(送神)’으로 이루어진다. 이와 같은 기본 구조 위에서 실행되는 ‘매귀’는 이중적인 의미를 지닌다. 하나는 영신 대목에서 나타나는 ‘매귀습(煤鬼習)’의 매귀로서 이때의 매귀는 풍물연행 그 자체를 의미한다. 또 하나는 지신밟기와 ‘등궐살(騰光厥)’에서 보이는 ‘매귀’로서, 이때의 매귀는 마을의 길들을 누비고 다니며 벌이는 공동체 차원의 축역과 집집을 돌며 재액을 물리치는 가정 차원의 축역, 그리고 마을과 가정의 모든 재액을 모아 말끔히 태워버리는 소재(燒災)를 의미한다. 이렇게 볼 때 매귀는 곧 서낭신을 맞이해 즐거이 해드리고 떠나보내는 새해맞이축제의 과정과 겹쳐진 채 진행되었음을 알 수 있다. The Maegwiak of Ulsan is a kind of Narye which had been performed by the common people, between the end of the year and the beginning of the year. Maegwiak had been hidden in the shadow of history for a long time. And it was revealed by <Haksungji> that was compiled on 1749. There are much of information about Maegwiak. If you look at the information, you can see the course of Maegwiak which had been performed as a Narye and new year festival. and it had been performed based on poongmul. Moreover, It is also provide a lot of information; the flag made with paper, mask of four eyed ghost, charm to turn out the ghost, and these are help us to understand the real fact and the context of transmission of the Narye of common people. Though it had not exposed on the document, we can read structure of the new year festival through the general aspect and principle of performance of the new year festival. The structure consist of ‘Youngsin’: young men erect a flag and performing poongmul around the flag to welcomes the god, and ‘Ohsin’: sacrificial rites for god and union playing after the sacrificial rites, after these act, they visiting house with big flag to performing poongmul, and ‘Songsin’: after the Jisinbapgi, send the god burning the small flag and big flag. As such the basic structure the Maegwi has performed, and it has Dual meaning. The one means performing poongmul as a Maegwi of ‘Maegwiseup’ which was revealed on Youngsin. The other means burning everything like a evil in the village as a Maegwi of ‘Deunggwolsal’ which was revealed on Songsin. All told that Maegwi was overlap with new year festival that receive and welcomes seonangsin and send to original position.

중요무형문화재 예능분야의 원형과 전승 문제에 대한 반성적 검토

한양명(Han Yang-Myung) 한국민속학회 2006 韓國民俗學 Vol.44 No.1

이 연구는 중요무형문화재로 지정된 민속 가운데 특히 예능분야에 속하는 것들을 대상으로 '원형'과 전승에 관한 문제를 반성적으로 검토하고 대안을 제시하기 위해 이루어졌으며, 크게 네 장으로 구성된다. 첫 번째 장에서는 논란이 되고 있는 원형의 개념 문제를 문화재보호법의 맥락 속에서 검토해 보았다. 검토의 결과 문화재보호법에서 말하는 원형은 '지정 당시의 형태'를 말하는 것으로서 문화재로서 갖추어야 할 요건은 역사성, 전통성, 지역을 바탕으로 한 전승성 등임을 파악할 수 있었다. 두 번째 장에서는 앞의 논의를 바탕으로 과연 예능분야에서 지정된 무형문화재가위의 요건을 갖추고 있는가를 검토하였다. 검토 결과, 상당수의 문화재가 전통을 선별하여 창출되었고, 단일 전통에 바탕을 둔 것조차도 복원 및 지정과정에서 변형되었음을 확인할 수 있었다. 세 번째 장에서는 지정 이후의 변화과정을 살펴보았다. 몇 몇 사례를 검토한 결과, 문화재보호법에 명시된 '원형 보존의 원칙'은 ‘지키려고 해도 벗어나려고 해도 결국은 지킬 수 없는’ 무리한 요구임을 확인할 수 있었다. 네 번째 장에서는 이와 같은 논의를 바탕으로 대안을 제시하였다. 그 내용은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 원형 개념을 명확히 해서 혼란을 피해야 한다. 둘째, 문화재지정의 제 과정을 합리화, 체계화하고, 여기에 관여하는 전문가집단을 엄격하게 선별, 관리해야 한다. 셋째, 지정 이후의 전승에서 원래의 형태를 유지하는 구심적 전승과 시대의 변화에 조응하는 원심적 전승을 함께 인정해야 한다. 넷째, 이미 지정된 문화재에 대한 텍스트비판을 수행하여 그릇된 것을 바로잡고, 창조된 텍스트는 그 자체로 가치를 인정해야 한다. This study consists of 4 chapters, examines reflectively the matters upon 'original form' and tradition in relation with some art assets among folk designated as important intangible cultural assets, and prepare an alternative. In chapter 1, I investigated the concept of original form in the context of the preservation law of cultural asset. As a result of it, The original form in the preservation law of cultural asset, means the original form of cultural asset when it was designated at the first time and could be designated as a cultural asset when it gets its historical depth, tradition, convention and so forth. In chapter 2, I examined how cultural assets in folk art satisfy really the above mentioned conditions. As a result of it, I verified that a considerable number of cultural assets were recreated through the selection of traditional form, and were transformed in the process of restoring or designating them although they were based on tradition originally. In chapter 3, I looked into the process that they have been changed after their designation. I ascertained that some cultural assets, if any case, cannot observe the cardinal principle of preservation of original form described clearly in the preservation law of cultural asset In chapter 4, I presented some alternatives on the base of the above discuss. they are as follows. a. we have to clarify the concept of original form to avoid confusion. b. we have to systemize and rationalize all the process of designating cultural assets, and to select and superintend the expert group related here. c. we have to admit both centripetal tradition which gives its emphasis on the original form and centrifugal tradition which complies with the changesof the times. d. we have to practice the text criticism of the designated cultural assets, to correct a wrong and to accept the created cultural asset as its cultural value itself.

국립민속박물관의 마을민속지 작업에 관한 검토

한양명(Han, Yang-myeong) 안동대학교 민속학연구소 2016 民俗硏究 Vol.0 No.32

국립민속박물관은 2006년부터 매년 두 마을을 선정해서 민속지 작업을 수행해왔다. 이 글에서는 2006년부터 2009년까지 제주, 전북, 경북, 충남 등지의 마을을 조사해서 작성한 마을민속지를 대상으로 그 성과와 문제를 검토해보았다. 검토 결과, 국립민속박물관의 민속지 작업은 여러 명의 조사자가 장기간 현지에 체류하며 다양한 분야의 민속을 조사함으로써 비교적 구체적이고 생생한 내용을 민속지에 담아 내는 한편, 부분적이나마 동시대의 민속현상에 주목하여 참여관찰의 결과를 반영한 점 등에서 종래의 민속지 작업과 구별되는 성과를 거두었다. 그러나 한국민속학에서 진행해온 기존 민속지 작업의 문제, 즉 ‘대상 중심적 접근’ 및 ‘단순한 시선과 분석의 결여’라는 관성에서 크게 벗어나지 못함으로써 ‘민(民)’보다 속(俗)을 중시하는 관점, 문화요소별 접근으로 인한 탈맥락적이고 나열적인 기술, 민속지적 현재의 혼선, 조사자의 퇴위와 분석적 접근의 결여 등의 한계를 갖고 있는 것으로 보인다. 비록 단상에 불과하지만, 이와 같은 문제들을 해결하기 위한 방안을 제시하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 민속지가 마을의 모든 민속현상을 포괄해야한다는 강박관념에서 벗어나, 해당 마을문화의 성격과 특징을 잘 드러낼 수 있는 주제를 중심으로 분석적인 민속지 작업을 수행해야 할 것이다. 둘째, 민속 개념의 중심에 전통문화가 놓여 있다는 동의를 전제로, 민속의 지속과 변화, 변용과 전유, 재구성 등 다양한 문제를 다룸으로써 마을문화의 통공시적 존재양상과 의미를 해명해야 할 것이다. 셋째, ‘속(俗)’에서 ‘민(民)’으로 민속지의 중심을 이동함으로써, 유사한 ‘속’의 이면에 놓인 마을문화의 특수성을 포착해야 할 것이다. 넷째, 마을의 문화를 제대로 드러내기 위해 필요하다면, 기존 민속지의 틀을 넘어서 생애사와 자전적 접근을 바탕으로 한 민속지 등 다양한 형식의 민속지 작업이 이루어져야 할 것이다. Annually, The National Folk Museum of Korea has been conducting ethnographic research about two village which was chosen for research in local governments since 2006. In this article, I examined the result of ethnography of a village, which had been written through the village research on Jeju-do, Jeollabuk-do, Gyeongsangbuk-do, Chungcheongnam-do from 2006 until 2009. As a result of careful consideration, a work of National Folk Museum of Korea bore fruitful results. To make this result, several investigators had to stay in the village and research folklore in various fields. As a result of these efforts, graphical and detailed folklore had been recorded on the ethnography. And, these distinguished accomplishments were achieved persevere by their efforts to make record of contemporary folklore, and these record were made by participant observation. But, these achievement could not conquer some ethnography problem, ‘access of focused on subject’ and ‘simple sight line and lack of analysis’, which had been progressing in the Korean Folkloristics. So, these ethnography could not overcome the perspective which is focused on customs than people, the description which was arrayed and decontextualized, the confusion of a age on ethnography, the absence of analytic access and evanishment of a researcher. Even despite a narrow view, I present some comment to solve these problems. First, It is necessary to accomplish a work of ethnography access focus on subject which is contain characteristics, get out of an imperative idea ethnography have to include all thing. Second, premised on the assumption that concept of traditional culture is placed in the center of the folklore, the existence and meaning of village culture will be explicate deal with maintenance and change of folklore, a change in appearance and appropriation, recomposition. Third, it will need capture the specificity of the village culture which is situated on the backside of the ‘custom’ by moving the center of ethnography to ‘people’ from ‘custom’. Fourth, If National Folk Museum of Korea need for reveal village culture properly beyond the framework of existing ethnography, they have to try various ways based on life history and autobiographical approach.

탈놀이의 중과 중마당의 의미 再考

한양명(Han Yang-Myeong) 비교민속학회 2007 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.34

In this paper I tried to rethink the meaning of a Buddhist priest and his madang in Yangjubyulsandae play. So I attempted accurately to grasp the reality that its play was in existence, and to understand the meaning by making a comparison between the reality and festivalized reality. First, the conduct of Buddhist priests is expressed as the course of deviation that their conduct breaks themselves of a buddhist role as well as even vulgar people should not behave so. Second, they are identified as unavoidable wanderers by the compulsion of dynasty. This aspect is to reflect a Buddhist reality of the Chos?n dynasty. We can understand that the cast of its play was on the base of the social context of the Chos?n dynasty. In its paly Buddhist priests, as religious men, do the reverse of what people expect them to do in reality, their reverse behaviors are combined with the negative spirit peculiar to festival, and they give themselves to embody the festivity of mask play. The conflict between Buddhist priests in play ends in the winning of secular ability. Their Internal conflict gets more secular priests to win others, and they continue to go secular. The external conflict is expressed between Buddhist priests. More secular priests win the game. That is to say, they become festive men who pursue the freedom of the depressed instinct. Fourth, A priest episode is the process of the initiation ceremony to be a festive man. Especially, In Nojang-madang, he is separated from the sacred and religious world, enters into the secular world, is separated from the cultural constraint which represses the human nature and the situation of anti-festival, and finally is integrated with a festival world and a fantastic pleasure. Fifth, the ordinary force intervened in priest-madang is expressed by the disciplinary agents who speak on behalf of the ruling class. Although priests in Chos?n society had apostatized by the dynasty and its ruling ideology, the ruling group condemned them for their apostatization. Sixth, in priest-madang, there are reflected the denial of culture and the affirmation of a festival life. Beyond the sarcasm of a depraved priest and the criticism of ideological falsehood as well as the affirmation of folkloristic realism, there are the denial of a culture that restrains folk from their nature, and the affirmation of a festival life that shall make them not be prevented from enjoying any of the fundamental human nature or pleasure.