페르시아와 터키의 관악기 네이(Ney)에 관한 고찰

조석연(Cho, Seog-yeon) 한국국악교육학회 2014 국악교육 Vol.37 No.37

본 연구는 페르시안 네이와 터키 네이의 기원, 형태, 연주 및 연주방법 등에 대해 살펴본 글이다. 페르시안 네이는 고대악기로 7마디의 갈대에 6개의 지공을 가지고 있다. 마우스피스에 해당되는 ‘사리’를 치아 사이에 끼워 소리 내며, 혀를 이용해 미세한 음을 연주에 노출시키는 연주법이 독특하다. 주된 연주곡은 페르시아 고전음악인 라디프(Radif)로서 ‘코론’과 ‘소리’의 미분음을 사용하여 12가지 다스트가와 200여 가지 이상의 구셰-하를 연주한다. 페르시안 네이에서 유래된 터키 네이는 주로 종교적인 의식에서 사용되었다. 특히 이슬람의 종교 의식무용인 수피 댄스의 반주음악으로 사용되면서 더욱 신비롭고 신성시되는 악기로 거듭났다. 9마디의 갈대에 7개의 지공을 가진 터키 네이는 깨끗한 소리를 내고 입술을 보호하기 위해 이동식 마우스피스인 바스파레를 사용한다. 터키 네이는 터키 전통음악의 미분음인 코마(koma)와 세분 음계로 인하여 더욱 섬세하게 연주되고 있으며, 이러한 특징으로 인해 네이는 터키인의 정신적 정화에 가장 잘 어울리는 악기로서 사랑받고 있다. 본 연구가 장차 동북아시아 전반에 분포되어 있는 네이와 유사한 아시아 종적의 연관성을 밝히는 초석의 역할이 되기를 바란다. Nay is the original form of the ancient flute. In this paper I had considered the origin, history, structural form and characteristic, performance and playing technique of the Nay. The Nay is an end blown cane flute without mouthpiece or reed. This very significant instrument throughout the Arabic, Turkish and Persian worlds generally has 5 or 6 upper holes and one on the underside for the thumb. It is capable of a range of 2 to 3 octaves and has been used for performing all forms of music: art, folk, and religious. As the musical instrument that belongs in this classification there are Iranian Nay and Turkish Ney. Persian Nay is a ancient musical instrument which is existing from BC 2,500 years. And Turkish Ney is quite similar to Persian Nay. But Turkish Ney has in front one more finger hole than Persian, that is to say seven holes total. The Persian ney is distinct from its Turkish counterpart in that it possesses a small brass cylinder at its upper end, which the performer anchors between his upper incisors, producing a unique timbre. It is important to understand that the Persian and Turkish nay may be quite differentiated, both in styles of play and construction of instrument. The Persian ney consists of a hollow cylinder with finger-holes. Sometimes a brass or plastic mouthpiece is placed at the top to protect the wood from damage, but this plays no role in the sound production. It has a very compelling and engaging sound, unlike any other wind instrument. Because the ney is blown in a unique manner, which gives it its characteristic sound. The Main Repertoire of Persian nay is Persian Classical Music Radif. With the help of ‘koron’ and ‘sori’ it plays 12 dastgahs and more than 200 Gushehas freely. Microtones and differently-sized semitones are part of Turkish Classical Music. One common theory divides the whole tone into nine koma (commas). There are four commas between B and C, and between E and F, so that there are 53 commas in an octave. Turkish nay is the only authorized woodwind instrument for such complicated Turkish Classical Music performance. And the sensitive and mystical characteristics of its sound made it also the main instrument of Turkish Sufism Music. The Persian and Turkish nay are used in different culture, but they have common characteristics. It is their own distinctive tone. They also have something in common, that is to say they are all in exist along the Silk Road. The common characteristics of their own distinctive tone and their location along the Silk Road, these facts must be closely interrelated with their spread and mutual exchange. In order to reveal the interrelation and interchange between them the more detailed subsequent study will be necessary.

『송남잡지(松南雜識)』에 기록된 ‘영산(靈山)’에 관한 연구

조석연 ( Cho Seog-yeon ) 한국공연문화학회(구 한국고전희곡학회) 2020 공연문화연구 Vol.0 No.40

일반적으로 영산은 판소리 단가(허두가)를 가리키는 용어로 알려져 있으나 『송남잡지(松南雜識)』의 기록은 다르다. 조재삼은 『송남잡지』에 ‘영산’에 관련된 내용 따로 두어 설명하고 있다. <신광수의 시>, <백호 임제의 시>, <김명원의 시> 세 종류 시(詩)를 예시가 그것이다. 첫째, <신광수의 시>에 등장하는 ‘우조 영산’은 춘면곡에 앞서 부른 노래이다. 신광수가 <제원창선>(1750)을 쓴 시기는 유진한의 『만화집(晩華集)』(1754)이 발표된 시기로 판소리가 널리 알려지지 않은 상황에서 ‘우조 영산’을 판소리 단가로 볼 수는 없다. 둘째, <백호 임제의 시>와 연결된 ‘영산 도두음’은 피리와 도드리장단이 사용되었다. 이러한 흔적으로 보아 기악곡인 영산회상과 연결된다. 영산은 불교적인 것에서 비롯되었으며, 불교용어를 가진 영산회상은 민간 뿐 아니라 궁중에서도 계속 사용되었다. 셋째, <김명원의 시> ‘월하정인’을 영산 항목에 등장 시키며 ‘타령’이라 칭하였다. 당시 타령의 용어 쓰임새가 판소리와 정가 모두를 가리키고 있었다. 이후 신재효의 <광대가>등 19세기 자료 대부분 ‘영산’의 용어는 판소리 단가와 같이 본격적인 판소리를 하기 앞서 목을 풀기 위한 용도로 기록되었다. 『송남잡지』에서 기록된 초창기의 영산은 불교적인 성격을 지닌 용어로 영산회상, 가사와 같은 도드리장단이 중심이 되는 독립된 음악 양식이었으며, 『송남잡지』가 쓰여진 1855년 당시 영산은 타령이라는 용어로 변모하면서 창부음악과 가객음악 모두를 포함하여 지칭하는 말로 영산과 타령 두 용어가 혼재하였다. 그리고 판소리가 성행하면서 ‘타령’이라는 용어는 판소리를, ‘영산’은 판소리 단가를 가리키는 용어로 불리게 된 것이다. 따라서 모든 기록의 영산을 판소리 단가로 해석해서는 안 된다. 이와 같은 상황은 종교 및 사회적 변화와 밀접한 관련을 가지고 있다. 숭유억불정책은 불교적인 영산이라는 용어를 배척하였고 불교가 탄압받던 조선중기에는 영산과 타령이 혼재하거나 영산 대신 타령이 사용되다가, 조선 후기 불교가 재성장되면서 판소리의 등장과 함께 또 다른 의미인 단가의 뜻으로 영산이라는 용어가 새롭게 재정착된 것으로 보여진다. 19세기 이르러 판소리가 등장하며 영산이 단가로 사용한 이유는 바로 이러한 사회적. 종교적인 변화양상에 따른 것으로 보아야 할 것이다. Youngsan is generally known as Pansori Danga(短歌). However, the contents of ‘Yeongsan’ in 『Songnamjabji』 are different. In 『Songnamjabji』, Cho Jaesam explained the contents related to 'Youngsan' using three kinds of poems: Shin Kwangsoo's poem, Baegho Imje’s poem, Kim Myeongwon’s poem. First, 'Ujo Youngsan' appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem. Shin Kwangsoo wrote the <Jewonchangseon(題遠昌扇)〉(1750) when Yoo Jinhan’s 『Manhwajib(晩華集)』(1754) was published. It is difficult to see the ‘Ujo Youngsan’, which appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem written in a time when Pansori was not widely known, as the Pansori Danga. Second, Jo Jaesam called the music in Baegho Imje’s poem ‘Youngsan Dodeueum’. In 'Youngsan Dodeueum', flute and ‘Dodeuli rhythm’ were used. This fact is connected with < Youngsanhoesang (靈山會相) >, an instrumental music. < Youngsanhoesang >, also a Buddhist term, continued to be used in the palace as well as among the people. Third, Cho Jaesam introduced Kim Myeongwon’s poem < Wolhajeongin(月下情人) > in ‘Yeongsan’ part and called it ‘Taryeong.’ At that time, the term ‘Taryeong’ referred to both Pansori and Jeongga(正歌). Later, in the 19th century, ‘Youngsan’ was recorded as a term for the Danga to loosen the neck before Pansori began in earnest. In other words, the early ‘Yeongsan’ recorded in 『Songnamjabji』 was a Buddhist term, referring to the music of the upper class Seonbi, such as < Youngsanhoesang >, Gasa(歌詞) and Sijo(時調). In 1855, when 『Songnamjabji』 was written, ‘Youngsan’ was used as a term used to refer to both Changbu-Music and Gagaek(歌客)-Music, mixed with the term ‘Taryeong’. And as Pansori became popular, the term ‘Taryeong’ came to be called ‘Pansori’ and ‘Youngsan’ was used to refer to Pansori Danga. Therefore, all the records of ‘Youngsan’ should not be interpreted as Pansori Danga. This situation is closely related to religious and social change. The policy of worshipping Confucianism and suppressing Buddhism rejected the term ‘Youngsan’ which had a Buddhist meaning. In the middle of Joseon Dynasty, when Buddhism was suppressed, ‘Youngsan’ and ‘Taryeong’ were mixed. As Buddhism regrown in the late Joseon Dynasty, with the advent of Pansori, the term ‘Youngsan’ seems to be newly resettled in the sense of Danga. Pansori appeared in the 19th century and ‘Yeongsan’ was used as a Danga. And the reason should be regarded as this social and religious change.

조선시대 생황의 수용과 융합 양상에 대한 고찰

조석연 ( Seog Yeon Cho ) 한국공연문화학회(구 한국고전희곡학회) 2014 공연문화연구 Vol.0 No.29

본고는 외국에서 전래된 악기인 생황을 통해 조선시대의 ‘문화수용’과 ‘문화융합’의 양상을 음악적인 면모에서 살펴보았다. 먼저, 조선시대 생황의 궁중 유입 과정과 관련해서는 수용적 양상을 논할 수 있다. 당시 궁중에서는 생황이 유입된 이후 중국에서 들여온 법제와 형태 및 소리를 유지하기 위해 많은 노력을 기울였기 때문이다. 이러한 생황의 조선시대 궁중으로의 수입과 제작은 절대적 문화 수용의 틀을 벗어날 수 없었는데, 이는 유교를 정치이념으로 삼은 조선시대의 문화와 중국의 영향에서 빚어진 결과라 할 수 있을 것이다. 이와는 달리 생황 공연의 융합적 양상은 조선후기 선비와 서민계층의 자발적인 의지에 의해 이뤄진다. 연암그룹을 대표로 하는 선비들의 풍류문화 속 생황은 더 이상 낯선 중국의 악기가 아니라 조율을 바꾼 우리 악기로서 융합되었다. 그리고 김홍도의 <월야선유도>와 18세기 후반의 <태평성시도> 풍속도에 묘사된 바와 같이 삼현육각과 함께 편성되는 악기로 변모한다. 외래 악기인 생황을 중심으로 이상에서 살펴본 조선시대의 문화수용과 문화융합의 양상은 단지 생황을 비롯한 음악문화뿐 아니라 의상, 춤, 문학, 건축, 정치, 경제 등 사회문화 전반에 걸쳐 총체적으로 나타난 현상이다. 이는 조선시대가 열린 사고로써 민족주체성의 의지를 확립해나간 과정을 정확하게 보여주는 단면이라 할 수 있을 것이다. Reception of foreign cultures and convergence of different cultures are one of the most important aspect of our own culture. Because we have been creating constantly the new culture through the mutual exchange and communication. In this context, I had been tried to consider the concept of ``reception of culture`` and ``convergence of culture`` around the case of Saengwhang. First, as the receptive performance aspect of Saengwhang we could point out the inflow course of Saengwhang to the Royal Court of the Joseon Dynasty. At that time Royal Court had exerted great efforts to maintain the chinese canon, original form and tone. During the Joseon Dynasty, Confucianism was regarded as a political ideology. And this absolute receptive aspect was the natural corollary of the Joseon Dynasty cultural toadyism. On the other hand, the convergent performance aspect of Saengwhang was accomplished by the spontaneous will of scholar and common people class of Late Joseon Period. In the culture of scholar who knew how to appreciate the arts, Saengwhang was no more Chinese foreign musical instrument. It was already converged as our own musical instrument. And as described in many famous genre paintings of the late 18th century, it was transfigured to the musical instrument which is organized with Sam-hyeon-yuk-gak. These two aspects of ``reception of culture`` and ``convergence of culture`` that was examined around the case of foreign musical instrument Saengwhang in Joseon Dynasty are the phenomenon that appear through the social culture overall, not only in music. And this shows clearly that the Joseon Dynasty period had established the national identity and subjecthood with the open-minded thinking.

일반논문 : 해상 실크로드를 통한 궁형공후(Arched harp)의 전파와 접변

조석연 ( Seog Yeon Cho ) 한국공연문화학회(구 한국고전희곡학회) 2015 공연문화연구 Vol.0 No.30

이 논문은 해상 실크로드를 통한 고대 문화교류의 실상을 궁형공후를 중심으로 살펴본 글이다. 최초의 궁형공후는 메소포타미아와 페르시아 지역에서 기원전 3000년경부터 등장하기 시작한다. 그리고 두 지역 모두에서 궁형공후는 수형공후가 출현하기 시작한 기원전 2000년경 전후까지 사용되었다. 이처럼 문명의 발달과 함께 등장했던 활모양의 궁형공후는 수형공후의 등장을 계기로 점점 자취를 감추고 말게 되지만, 해양 실크로드를 통해 유일하게 궁형공후를 수용했던 인도에서만큼은 궁형공후가 고대 비나라는 이름의 악기로 변용되어 그 명맥을 고집스럽게 이어나갔다. 그리고 이렇게 전파된 인도의 궁형공후 고대 비나는 기원전 3∼4세기부터 굽타왕조인 5세기에 이르기까지 불교와 힌두문화뿐 아니라 왕을 비롯한 귀족들의 모임에서 주요 악기로 연주되었다. 그리고 고대 비나는 1세기경 해상 실크로드를 통해 동남아시아로 향한 인도의 이주민과 더불어 다시금 전파되기에 이르렀으며, 그 후 동남아 지역의 문화에 커다란 영향을 끼치게 된다. 특히 미얀마의 경우, 인도의 궁형공후 고대 비나는 문화전파의 차원을 뛰어넘어 전승과 발전을 거듭하며 사운이라는 전통악기로 승화되었다. In this paper I had researched the real condition of the ancient cultural exchange through the Maritime Silk Route, especially focusing the case of Arched harp. From around 3000 BC the very first Arched harp started to appear in the region of Mesopotamia and Ancient Persia. And in both of these regions Arched harp was used until around 2000 BC in which Angular harp started to appear. Embowed Arched harp had appeared with the evolution of ancient civilization, and started to disappear with the emergence of Angular harp. But ancient India had accepted Arched harp formerly through the Maritime Silk Route, and only in India Arched harp was acculturated into ancient veena and remained in existence insistently. roughly defined as from the 4~3rd century BC to 5th century AD, Indian Arched harp, namely ancient veena was played as a central musical instrument for the occasion of religious rituals and national events. About in 1st century AD, ancient veena was brought into Southeast Asia once more. Since then it had great influence on Southeast Asian culture. Especially in case of Myanmar, Indian Arched harp surpassed the dimension of culture diffusion, it was developed and sublimated into Saun, namely traditional musical instrument of Myanmar.

전주(全州) 삼산리(三山里) 출토 토제장구에 관한 연구: 고려 도제장구와 전북지역 토제장구 비교를 중심으로

조석연 ( Seog Yeon Cho ) 세계음악학회 2013 음악과 문화 Vol.29 No.-

At the time of excavation in 2004 Jeonju Samsanri clay-Janggu was in a relatively good state. Its excavation provided more possibility to activate the research of clay-Janggu. It is assumed that Samsanri clay-Janggu is a relic of the Joseon Dynasty. And main Features of this music instrument are as follows: First, regarding its unique form jorongmok (Gourd-like neck) is shorter and sound box is bigger than typical Goryeo clay-Janggus. Such a unique shape can be found only in our country. Second, its length is only two-thirds of the current wooden-Janggu and rather similar to the size of the ceramic-Janggu of Goryeo Dynasty. It seems to have been used, chosen according to its tone and volume and depending on the nature of the music. Third, Jeonju Samsanri clay-Janggu was made of coarse clay which is cheap and easy to obtain. And it was burned without smearing glaze. Based on these facts Samsanri clay-Janggu is considered to have been used in the music for the common people rather than in music for the scholars and nobility. Fourth, Samsanri clay-Janggu was excavated not in the famous and official kiln site but in the center of normal residence. And these facts suggest possibility that this instrument may have been used in everyday life. Jeonju Samsanri clay-Janggu is one of Joseon Dynasty`s. Out of tradition of Goryeo ceramic-Janggu and China`s influence it shows the unique characteristics of our country. Above all, its greatest significance lies just in this fact. I wish that more relics would be unearthed in the future. I also hope that thanks to more excavations of remains, furthermore through more diverse methodological approaches such as the application of social environment the development process of clay-Janggu and ceramic-Janggu could be confirmed and clarified.

“공무도하가” 반주악기 공후의 기원과 형태 연구 : 사료를 중심으로

조석연 ( Seog Yeon Cho ) 세계음악학회 2008 음악과 문화 Vol.18 No.-

진양 『악서』공후조 도설(圖說)에 나타난 공후 명칭의 혼용 문제 분석

조석연 ( Seog Yeon Cho ) 세계음악학회 2015 음악과 문화 Vol.32 No.-

Jinyang``s 『Akseo 樂書』is a very important and valuable music book which shows and explains different types of Gonghu through explanatory diagrams. Especially, this book makes a fivefold division of Gonghu into Big-Gohghu (大蚣帿), Small-Gonghu (小蚣帿 ), Angular Gonghu (隧蚣帿), Recumbent Gonghu (臥蚣帿) and Phoenix``s head Gonghu (鳳首蚣帿) and presents all the fine details each of them concretely through explanatory diagrams. But in Gonghu Article of Jinyang``s 『Akseo 樂書』there is quite a bit of gap between diagram and explanation. And it seems to me that this considerable difference was caused by Jinyang``s excessive enthusiasm. That is to say, he wanted to show as many data as possible and collected all existing data indiscriminately. Namely, his explanatory diagrams are a melting pot of the Gonghu-study of ancient sages, in which materials about Zither-like Gonghu and Harp-like Gonghu are jumbled together. Furthermore this considerable gab between diagram and explanation allows one reasoning that Jinyang recognized all Gonghu only as one type of Harp. Eventually, the name of Recumbent Gonghu (臥蚣帿) that he had classified caused cognominal confusion between two kinds of Gonghu, and this continues to the present time.

Relationships between primary emissions and regional air quality and acid deposition

조석연(Seog Yeon Cho) 대한환경공학회 1991 대한환경공학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.1991 No.12

문묘제례악 소(簫)의 유입과 변화에 관한 역사적 고찰

조석연 ( Cho Seog-yeon ) 한국공연문화학회(구 한국고전희곡학회) 2017 공연문화연구 Vol.0 No.35

본 논문은 문묘제례악 소의 유입과 변화에 관한 세 가지 쟁점을 다루었다. 첫째, 현재 문묘제례악에서 사용되고 있는 쌍날개 악학궤범가(架)형의 악기는 1116년(예종 11) 송나라 대성아악이 유입될 때 함께 들어온 형태가 아니라, 공민왕 19년 명나라로부터 들여온 원나라 형태의 소이다. 대성아악이 들어온 고려 예종 당시의 송나라에는 쌍날개 악학궤범가형의 배소가 아직 존재하지 않았으며, 이는 원나라 때 처음 등장한다. 이후의 시기인 공민왕 때 `소`와 함께 `배소`라는 이름의 새로운 악기명이 처음으로 등장하는데, 이러한 연유로 해서 이 `배소`가 지금의 쌍날개 악학궤범가형의 악기일 가능성이 농후하다. 둘째, 『악학궤범』에 기록된 조선시대 소의 형태는 비록 중국의 것을 따르고 있지만, 그 음고와 배열은 12율 4청성의 음역과 왼쪽에서 오른쪽으로 음률이 높아지는 배열로 현재까지 그 원형의 맥을 잇고 있다. 중국의 16관 배소는 12율 4배성으로 구성되어 있으며, 좌우로 8율과 8려로 나뉘어져 있다. 그러나 한국의 쌍날개 악학궤범가형 16관 배소는 12율 4청성으로 구성되어 있으며, 율관의 길이와는 무관하게 좌에서 우로 황종부터 청협종까지 순서대로 배열되어 있다. 셋째, 1930년대에 이르러 『악학궤범』과 전체적인 형태는 같으나 관 사이가 붙은 것과 관 사이가 떨어진 것으로 존재하였고, 이후로는 현재 경북대학교 박물관에 소장된 것과 문묘제례악에 사용되는 악기에서 보듯 관 사이가 떨어진 악기만이 존재하게 된다. 그러나 현재 문묘제례악에서 사용되고 있는 관 사이가 떨어진 형태는 악기학적 관점에서 볼 때 퇴보한 형태이며, 역사적으로도 연결고리를 갖지 못한다. 어떠한 연유로 소가 이처럼 변모하였는지는 명확하게 알 수 없지만, 악기학적이고 역사적인 관점에서 『악학궤범』의 우리화(化)된 소의 형태를 다시금 정립하는 것이 마땅하다 할 것이다. This paper deals with three issues related to influx and change of the Confucian Shrine Ritual Music. First, the musical instrument of the Akhakgwebeom-wooden frame-form used in the current Confucian Shrine Ritual Music is not a form that came in when the Daesung-Aak of the Song Dynasty was introduced in 1116, but it is a Yuan Dynasty form brought from the Ming Dynasty, in the 19th year of King Kongmin. In the Song Dynasty of the Goryeo Yejong era, when Daesung-Aak came in, there was not yet `Baeso`, a musical instrument of the Akhakgwebeom form, which first appeared in the Yuan Dynasty. A new musical instrument named `Baeso` appears with the `So` in the later period of King Gongmin, and it is very likely that this `Baeso` is the musical instrument of the present Akhakgwebeom form. Second, although the form of the `So` in the Joseon Dynasty recorded in the Akhakgwebeom was followed by the Chinese one, but the pitch and arrangement are the one of the pitch of `12 Yul and 4 Cheongseong` and the arrangement of the pitch from left to right. Third, in the 1930s, the whole form was the same as that of the Akhakgwebeom, but there existed two types, which several pipes stick together or pipes fall apart. But since then, as seen in the musical instrument located at Kyungpook National University Museum and in instruments currently used in Confucian Shrine Ritual Music, only musical instruments exist which pipes fall apart. It is unclear for what reason and to what extent the `So` were so transformed, but it would be appropriate to re-establish the form of the `So` in the musical and historical point of view.

한국 요고(腰鼓)의 기원에 관한 연구

조석연 ( Seog Yeon Cho ) 세계음악학회 2011 음악과 문화 Vol.25 No.-

In Korean traditional music, Janggu (hour-glass shaped drum) is an important instrument. Before the appearance of Janggu, Yogo might play a similar role as Janggo. Although there are not many studies on the origin of Yogo, the theory that Yogo originated from India was presented, suggesting a connection between the Korean Yogo and the Indian Damaru. Thus, based on several relevant data, this study traced the accurate origin of Korean Yogo. First, examined were such historical documents as on nine and ten dance music pieces shown in Suseo (History of the Sui Dynasty) and Gudangseo (the Book of Tang) to examine these countries` records of Yogo and dissemination of the instrument. Also, the Yogo shown in Jinyang`s Akseo (Book of Music), and records of Donggo were studied to examine the difference. Further, based on Yogo`s delivery paths as shown in historical documents and Yogo-related archeological data of relevant countries, namely, Korea, Japan, Kucha and Iran were examined. The findings suggested the following information on the origin of Korean Yogo. First, Goguryeo Yogo, which are described in the nine and ten dance music pieces chapters of Suseo and Gudangseo, was used together with such instruments as Gujagi, Soreukgi and Gochanggi. As such, the instrument existed in the Silk Road routes of Western regions. Second, the Goyo, recorded in Jinyang`s Akseo, is different from Donggo (銅鼓) that originates from India. Third, the Yogo, as shown in Korea`s archeological data, is a piece of wood with a size of 30-45cm. It was played with both hands by being tied to the waist of the performer or by being placed on the lap of the performer. The Yogo with these features was discovered in iconographies from Kuqa, Xinjiang, and in pottery from the Sassanid Persia Empire. Thus, it is presumed that Korean Yogo was transferred to the country through many active exchanges with the Western regions, just like Gonghu, Ohyeon, Piri and other many instruments from the Western regions were.