http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
- 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
- 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
RISS 인기검색어
- 검색키워드
- 저자 : 임돈희(Yim, Dawnhee) (검색결과 21 건)
- 무료
- 기관 내 무료
- 유료
-
임돈희(Yim Dawn-hee),김이회(토론자) 비교민속학회 2001 비교민속학 Vol.20 No.-
Yim Suk-jay claimed that “Korean culture can be seen through Korean musok [shamanism],” meaning that Korean musok mirrors many aspects of Korean culture and behavior. In demonstrating this point, Yim coined the term parallelotheism for the musok pantheon in order to characterize its deities’ autonomy, absence of hierarchy, and even lack of mutual communication. like parallel lines, the gods each occupy a unique space that does not intersect with that of any other. Also, Korean musok is polytheistic and none of its deities is omnipotent. Each spirit has a specific function and limited power, no spirit is higher than another, and no god gives orders to or obeys another. This independence of the gods contrasts sharply with the pantheon of Chinese popular religion, in which many deities are thought to be organized into a vast supernatural bureaucracy. Yim further suggested that Korean parallelotheism offered insights into Korean individuals' high self-esteem and sense of independence. Though many scholars have claimed that Korea had a highly authoritarian and hierarchical social system, Yim’s analysis of the musok pantheon showed that Korean society could also be viewed as egalitarian and non-authoritarian. In the real world, people acquiesce to those with authority, but this apparent submission to hierarchy is a surface phenomenon necessitated by circumstances rather than a manifestation of a deep internal commitment. The gods, ghosts, and ancestors of musok represent living bureaucrats, beggars, and kin, respectively. The deities have limited power and are not thought to be inherently good or evil : whether they are helpful or harmful depends on how they are treated. If they are given regular offerings, they bring good fortune. Otherwise they inflict punishment. This appears to be very similar to the cultural understanding that many people have of Korean officials. Also, ancestors in musok rituals are imagined differently than ancestors at Confucian rites. In ritual contexts where musok prevails, ancestors are less authoritarian, less hierarchical, and more inclusive, encompassing also dead relatives who are not strictly agnatic forebears. Ghosts, like beseeching beggars, are given small offerings rather than ignored entirely. Yim’s analysis of musok showed that previous interpretations of Korean society overemphasized its hierarchial and authoritarian qualities. The deities of this Korean popular religion provide a vision of its more egalitarian and non-authoritarian characteristics.
-
-
임돈희(Yim Dawn-hee),로저 L. 자넬리(Roger L. Janelli) 비교민속학회 2005 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.28
The Cultural Heritage Protection Act passed by the Republic of Korea's government in 1962 constituted the legal basis of its cultural protection program. Another feature of the Republic of Korea's intangible cultural heritage system is that rather than regard the designation of heritage items as its only goal, it also provides a system for continuing the transmission of the item This transmission system is highly refined and structured. Those who are designated as Living Human Treasures transmit to trainees the techniques of their art. So that these younger persons can receive that special training at no charge, the Republic of Korea government gives the Living Human Treasurers an additional one-hundred thousand won (about 850 U.S. dollars) a month, free medical treatment, and other special privileges. These public privileges help to elevate the prestige of the Living Human Treasures. In Korea's past, artists were looked upon with contempt rather than esteem However, the cultural heritage system now gives these performers not only economic compensation but also greater prestige and individual self-respect. Although this program has been highly effective for attaining its goal of heritage protection, the system has room for improvement. Here are three specific suggestions for enhancing the present system: 1) Compared with tangible heritage, intangible heritage receives far less financial support. Only 10% of the annual budget of the Office of Cultural Heritage is spent on intangible heritage. Greater financial support could be allocated to its preservation and perpetuation. 2) The education for transmission could be enriched by adding more diversified means than the current Treasure-Trainee system Formal class instruction, education via the Internet, education by radio and television broadcasts are some of the means by which such diversity could be attained. 3) Rather than given the same amount of financial support to each designated performer, it would be better to consider the financial needs of each type of art and customize the level of support provided.
-
-
-
-
-
유네스코 세계무형문화 유산으로 지정된 한국, 중국, 일본, 인도의 무형문화재의 보존현황과 전승방안에 대한 비교 연구
임돈희(Yim Dawn-hee) 비교민속학회 2004 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.27
The purpose of this essay is to compare the preservation and transmission of Korea's Royal Ancestral Rite and Ritual Music in Jongmyo Shrine, Japan's Nogaku Theatre, China's Kunqu Opera, and India's Kutiyattam Sanskrit Theatre, all of which have been designated by Unesco as items of World Intangible Cultural Heritage. The South Korean and Japanese governments have a legally instituted protection and transmission system that supports the best performers of designated intangible cultural assets, who are known as Living Human Treasures in Korea and Living National Treasures in Japan. Japan also has numerous amateur performers who provide additional financial support and encouragement to its Living National Treasures. Though the Chinese government has no formally instituted protection system, it has provided some support for intangible asset performances. After its Kunqu was designated by Unesco as part of the world's Intangible Cultural Heritage, Chinese national and provincial governments became more actively involved in preserving and transmitting their nation's intangible cultural assets. India's Kutiyattam festival had been supported by religious temples, but with declining temple support, the continued existence of this cultural performances became endangered. Even after its designation as an Intangible cultural asset, the Indian government has shown less interest than that of anna in providing financial support.
-
-
임돈희(Yim Dawn-hee),로저 L. 자넬리(Roger L. Janelli) 비교민속학회 2002 비교민속학 Vol.22 No.-
Modernization theory per se has fallen out of favor, in large measure because neither industrialization nor its concomitant social changes were found to have followed the same trajectory in all societies. Yet, some of these theories’ fundamental premises about the uniformity of social transformations persist. The purpose of this essay is to show that recent changes in the South Korean family that accompanied industrialization were no mere automatic response to the industrialization process. Comprehending these changes requires a consideration of shifting cultural understandings about family and kinship, the government’s choice of industrialization policies, and the ways in which easier communication and transportation have fostered a rethinking about possibilities for maintaining ties among separated kin. Modernization theorists hypothesized that families would become smaller as a result of industrialization. Careful scrutiny of South Korean families, however, do not substantiate the claim that a smaller family size has been the result of succumbing to the functional demands of an industrialized way of life. First of all, a majority of Korean households appear to have been composed of nuclear families even before industrialization. Second, the high rates of rural emigration by the younger segment of the population, which separated adult offspring from their siblings and parents, was encouraged by the government’s choice of an urban- and industrial-zone-centered export-oriented capitalist industrialization strategy. Third, higher standards of education, the rising cost of raising children, and various governmental birth-control campaigns have shifted cultural understandings about the ideal number of children that parents can raise adequately. Fourth, the development of easier communication and transportation between persons living in separate residences has made possible the maintenance of a quasi-family relationship over distances. Indeed. recent research has shown that which persons belongs to one’s own “family” is often a contested issue in contemporary South Korea. And finally, stronger ties between married women and their natal parents have encouraged an extension of family relationships with matrilateral relatives, despite a continued if weakening reluctance of elderly parents to live with their married female rather than male offspring. In sum, new Korean family forms appear not to be the result of an automatic functional adaptation to the demands of industrial life, as modernization theorists hypothesized, but have resulted in no small measure from governmental and individual choices made in light of shifting cultural understandings about the nature of the family and obligations of intergenerational reciprocity in new settings.
KCI연관 검색어 추천
이 검색어로 많이 본 자료
활용도 높은 자료
