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      • SGCMG를 이용한 단축 불안정 시스템의 안정화 제어 기법 개발

        이준식,이준용,유지훈,김지철,전동익,오화석,Lee, Junsik,Yi, Junyong,Yoo, Jihoon,Kim, Jichul,Cheon, Dongik,Oh, Hwa-Suk 항공우주시스템공학회 2013 항공우주시스템공학회지 Vol.7 No.4

        Control Moment Gyroscope(CMG) is one of the most efficient momentum exchange devices for satellite attitude control and essential device for agile maneuver system. This paper presents the details of a designed Single Gimbal CMG with a constant speed momentum wheel and single axis attitude control unstable to stable. In order to keep the naturally unstable equivalent point, it should be controlling the gimbal constantly. The experimental data are compared with theoretical result and requirements are used to verify their performance specifications.

      • KCI등재

        특집 : 뒤늦은 국가차원의 친일청산: 친일반민족행위진상규명위원회의 활동을 중심으로

        이준식 ( Junsik Lee ) 법과사회이론학회 2015 법과 사회 Vol.0 No.49

        한국사회의 과거사 문제는 다양한 모습을 띠고 있지만 크게 보면 일제 식민통치가 남긴 과거사와 독재정권이 남긴 과거사로 나눌 수 있다. 그런데 이러한 두 종류의 과거사가 사실상 동전의 양면과 같다는 데 한국 과거사 문제의 특징이 있다. 실제로 독재정권의 과거사 문제는 해방 직후 이승만 정권에 의해 친일파 청산, 더 나아가서는 일제잔재 청산이 좌초한 데서부터 비롯되었다. 1987년 6월항쟁 이후 독재정권과 친일파가 밀접하게 관련되었다는 사실이 사람들의 눈길을 끌게 되었다. 그러면서 한국사회 민주화의 한 과정으로 친일청산을 해야 한다는 목소리가 높아졌다. 반민특위의 와해로 좌초된 친일청산을 뒤늦게나마 마무리하자는 ‘제2의 친일청산운동’이 벌어진것이다. 시민사회에서 시작된 친일청산 요구는 국민의 여론을 등에 업고 국가로 확대되었다. 그 결과 2004년 3월 〈일제강점하 친일반민족행위진상규명에 관한 특별법〉이 국회를 통과했고 이 범에 따라 2005년 친일반민족행위진상규명위원회가 출범했다. 반민규명위는 법에 정해진 바에 따라 친일청산을 위한 진상규명 활동을 벌였다. 친일청산에 반대하는 정치권과 보수언론의 집요한 방해공작에도 불구하고 1,006명에 대해 친일반민족행위 결정을 내린 것이야말로 반민규명위의 중요한 성과라고 할 것이다. 오랫동안 한국사회에서 금기의 영역에 속해 있던 친일의 문제를 국가차원에서 정리했다는 것 자체가 역사적으로 중요한 의미를 갖는다. 반민규명위의 성과는 인권과 민주주의 시민의 연대의식이 성장했음을 보여준다. 해방된 지 60년도 더 지나 국가차원의 친일청산이 이루어지는 바람에 청산의 핵심이어야 할 사법적 처리는 불가능했지만 그나마 친일반민족행위에 대한 역사적 책임을 묻고 역사의 기록으로 남겼다는 사실 자체가 중요하다. 60년도 더 지난 뒤의 과거사청산이라는 점에서 친일청산은 세계적으로 유례가 없는 것이기도 하다. 다만 다른 과거사청산처럼 국가차원의 친일청산도 국회에서 특별법을 만들고 법에 따라 설치된 진실위원회 형태의 기구에 의해 이루어졌다는 점에서 한계를 갖는다. 특별법 자체가 진상규명의 범위를 애초에 지나치게 좁게 잡아 놓았기 때문에 위원회의 활동도 그로부터 제약을 받았다. 처음부터 조사대상과 범위에 대한 신축적인 판단의 여지가 상당 정도 봉쇄되어 있었던 것이다. 국가차원의 친일청산은 시민사회의 친일청산 움직임에서 촉발되었다. 미완의 친일청산을 마무리하는 것은 다시 시민사회의 몫이 되었다. 반민규명위의 친일반민족행위 결정은 친일청산의 완결이 결코 아니다. 국가차원의 친일청산이 친일청산의 모든것이 될 수는 없다. 반민규명위의 친일반민족행위 결정은 앞으로 시민사회와 학계차원에서 이루어질 친일청산을 위한 토대이자 시금석으로 평가되어야 한다. 일제강점기를 비롯해 과거사의 진상을 규명하는 일은 현재진행형의 역사쓰기이자 앞으로 전개될 민주화 이후 우리 현대사의 첫 장을 여는 작업이기도 하다. 친일 진상규명작업은 민주화 운동의 성과물이기도 하지만 민주화 운동의 또 다른 시작이기도 한것이다. The past history of Korea is various types of problems. They can be divided largely into past of the colonial rule by Japan has left and by the abuses of dictatorial government. Peculiarly, their relationship is in line with each other such as both sides of coin. During a chaotic period of Korea achieved independence, all the makings of vestiges of Japanese imperialism was regarded as necessary for setting up to Syngman Rhee government which was actively supported by them. Obviously, the pro-Japanese liquidation by Syngman Rhee’s regime was sloppy, even that it ran aground. After June Democracy Movement in 1987, it began to catch the people``s eyes that the dictator regime was closely related to pro-Japanese. Sad to say, Korean society had failed to clear way Japanese colonialism by downfall of the Special Committee for Prosecution of Anti-National Offenders due to constant sabotage under Syngman Rhee government. A public pressure was gradually mounting for demand of pro-Japanese liquidation and it had to be done as a process of democracy. Consequentially, it took place sporadically the “history clean-up” or “set the history right” campaigns, which referred a second pro-Japanese liquidation movement, and formed a social consensus to uphold historical justice. Strong demand from the civil society expanded to the country in an instant by acting in accordance with public opinion. At last, the Special Act on the Inspection of Collaborations for Japanese Imperialism passed through the National Assembly on March 2004 and the Presidential Committee for the Inspection of Collaborations for Japanese Imperialism was started at 2005 by it. The committee was clarifying the truth for the pro-Japanese prudently. Despite the relentless disturbance of political and conservative journalism, the committee came up with noticeable fruition what that it made a determination of fingering 1,006 people as pro-Japanese collaborators. There was important meaning itself that national institution clearly did indentify pro-Japanese issues that belonged to taboo areas in Korea. Also, In regard to past history liquidation after the past more than 60 years, Pro-Japanese liquidation would be an unprecedented. Even legal procedure as a core of settlement was not possible because it was delayed over sixty years after liberation, it made them take historical responsibility for their activities and was important to put that on record in Korea history. If there were desired, the activities of the committee was limited because it was installed by Special Act, which was based on political compromise in national assembly, and operated it as other past affairs. To crown it all, the special act itself placed first in excessively narrow hold a range of Truth. There was no room for flexible judgment of the survey and the range has been sequestered a considerable degree from the beginning. No one can deny that Pro-Japanese settlement of the national level was inspired from an earnest desire of civil society. Nevertheless, to finish the uncompleted pro-Japanese liquidation will belong to civil society again. The committee decision was not only enough but also it is not all for the pro-Japanese liquidation. However, it should be evaluated as a touchstone because it is not finished and must do it more than the committee by the civil society and the groves of academe. In conclusion, investigating the truth of the past history including Japan colonial era, it is ongoing history writing and also can be a first chapter of our modern history since democratization movements. The truth commission activity for Pro-Japanese is the product of the democracy movement. In other word, it was also in another of the beginning of the democratic movement.

      • KCI등재

        무라야마 도모요시의 진보적 연극운동과 조선문화 사랑

        이준식(Junsik Lee) 역사비평사 2009 역사비평 Vol.- No.88

        Tomoyoshi Murayama(1901~1977) was a cultural artist, who had made great steps in diverse fields such as play, literature, film, and art. He was so famous enough to be called "Da Vinci in Japan". Having affection to Korea and Korean, he was a progressive highly educated artist who had done everything he could do to keep traditional Korean culture with his own way. He had been so closely related to Korea that he visited Korea three times in 1938 and he stayed for almost a whole year in Seoul in 1945. Furthermore in 1938 he brought the traditional Korean classical play 〈Chunhyangjeon〉 into the stage. The most important factor in Tomoyoshi Murayama's progressive play movement was a people. He directly went into Korean people and understood Korean culture and did his best to preserve the vanishing Korean culture under Japanese control. Through the literature works containing fondness of Korea, by communications and transactions with Koreans, first and foremost with the performance of plays, he had looked for real solidarity between Korean culture and Japanese culture. Therefore he was not only a precious artist at that time but also he is precious today.

      • KCI등재

        한국 역사 교과서인가, 아니면 일본 역사 교과서인가?

        이준식(Lee Junsik) 역사비평사 2013 역사비평 Vol.- No.105

        This paper presents a critical overview of a controversial perspective of Korean history―Japanese colonial rule in Korea (1910~1945), that is described in a history textbook produced by the Kyohaksa Publishing Company in Korea. The co-authors of the book can be described as belonging to the “New Right”. The problem of the book is that it contains a considerable number of errors and mistakenly informed facts, many of which occur in Chapter 5 that deals with the Japanese colonial period in Korea. The perspective of Korean history presented in the Kyohaksa history book runs contrary to the commonly accepted viewpoint about that period; it appears to overturn the idea of the forceful occupation of Korea by Japan and the Korean people’s resistance against this intervention. The idea is advanced that Japanese occupation resulted in the modernization of Korea, a claim the authors support with statistics and visual material. However, there is hardly any information on how much Japanese colonial rule deprived the Korean people of nearly everything they had leading to a national collapse. To justify their historical description, the authors identify the pre-colonial period in Korea as one of an inferior pre-monetary economy which recalls the “theory of the stagnation of history” idea that was devised one hundred years ago by Japanese academia to prove how inferior Korean history was to theirs and to justify their colonisation of Korea. The most disturbing aspect of the Kyohaksa history book is that the co-authors have attempted to overturn the commonly accepted historical description of Japanese colonial rule in relation to pro- and anti-Japanese confrontation. They do not conceal their desire to justify Japanese occupation of Korea; there is no difficulty in finding unnecessary long arguments in favor of so-called pro-Japanese Koreans. There is scant reference to the adverse aspects perpetrated on the majority of Korean people by pro-Japanese Koreans, but there is no shortage of excuses for actions that pro-Japanese Koreans were forced to do as part of a cooperative responsibility for the national crisis. The Korean Constitution of the Republic of Korea that succeeded the Provisional Korean Government (PKV) in China (1919~1945), relates to all Koreans who fought for the independence of Korea regardless of their ideological stance. The PKG declaration against all pro-Japanese groups and the removal of any pro-Japanese legacy from the new Korean republic became the independent spirit of Korea. Therefore, any attempt to justify Japanese colonial rule in Korea can be regarded as opposition to the Constitution of Korea. The pro-Japanese stance adopted in the Kyohaska Korean history book should be condemned accordingly.

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