혈압 수준과 경동맥 내중막 두께 및 동맥경화반의 관련성

이영훈,권순석,최진수,이정애,최성우,류소연,신민호,Lee, Young-Hoon,Kweon, Sun-Seog,Choi, Jin-Su,Rhee, Jung-Ae,Choi, Sung-Woo,Ryu, So-Yeon,Shin, Min-Ho 대한예방의학회 2009 예방의학회지 Vol.42 No.5

Objectives : The aim of this study was to investigate the association of blood pressure levels with the common carotid artery intima-media thickness (CCA-IMT) and carotid plaques. Methods : Data were obtained from 2,635 subjects, aged 50 years and over, who participated in the Community Health Survey (a population-based, cross-sectional study) in Dong-gu, Gwangju city between 2007 and 2008. Participants were categorized into three groups according to blood pressure levels; normotensives (<120/80 mmHg), prehypertensives (120-139/80-89 mmHg), and hypertensives ($\geq$140/90 mmHg). Prehypertensives were further categorized as low prehypertensives (120-129/80-84 mmHg) and high prehypertensives (130-139/85-89 mmHg). Carotid intima-media thickness and plaques were evaluated with a high-resolution B-mode ultrasound. Statistical analyses were performed using chi-square test, ANOVA, and multiple logistic regression. Results : Prehypertensives had significantly greater maximal CCA-IMT values than normotensives, with a multivariate adjusted odds ratio of 1.78 (95% CI=1.36-2.32) for abnormal CCA-IMT (maximal CCA-IMT$\geq$1.0 mm), and 1.45 (95% CI=1.19-1.77) for carotid plaques. The multivariate adjusted odds ratio of low prehypertensives was 1.64 (95% CI=1.21-2.21) for abnormal CCA-IMT, and 1.30 (95% CI=1.04-1.63) for carotid plaques compared with normotensives. Subject with hypertension had higher frequency of abnormal CCA-IMT (odds ratio, 2.18; 95% CI=1.49-3.18), and carotid plaques (odds ratio, 1.98; 95% CI=1.46-2.67) compared with normotensives after adjustment for other cardiovascular risk factors. Conclusions : Our results indicate that there is a significant increase in the prevalence of carotid atherosclerosis in subjects with prehypertension (even in low prehypertensives) compared with normotensive subjects. Further studies are required to confirm the benefits and role of carotid ultrasonography in persons with prehypertension.

특집 : 다산의 경세학 ; 다산의 인간관계 범주구분과 사회인식

이영훈 ( Young Hoon Rhee ) 다산학술문화재단 2003 다산학 Vol.- No.4

Tasan classified all sorts of human relationships into three main catergories: `Cheonsok(天屬),` `Euhap(義合),` and `Jokryu(族類).` Each of these three catergories can be elucidated on its own moral basis as follows. Firstly, `Cheonsok` denotes the relationships determined by the nature, i.e., the familial relationships or the relationships by blood. It consists of two kinds of sub-categories: (1) the filiation and (2) the brotherhood. This bipartite relationship is built up on the ethics of `hyo(孝: filial duty)` and `je(悌: brotherliness).` Since it implies the natural relationships, `cheonsok` can by no means be destroyed. For example, even if a son has been adopted as heir for the head family, his born relationship with his real parent still remains effective. Secondly, `Euhap` includes a variety of social relationships between a king and his subjects, between a husband and his wife, between a father-in-law and his daughter-in-law, between a lord and his slaves, between a man and his friends, and so forth. This variety is converged upon one basis in terms of the ethics of `chung(忠: loyalty),` `hwa(和: peace-making),` and `Shin(信: fidelity),` all of which can be summed into one word, `Eu(義: righteousness).` `Euhap` represents the man-made relationship. In case of that `Eu` is not guaranteed, `Euhap` could be canceled. The study has scrutinised Tasan`s argument about two relationships of `chung(忠).` One is the relationship between a king and his subjects, the other is the relationship between a lord and his slaves (or servants). In brief, Tasan has seen a doubling in the relationships which the king enjoys. On the one hand, the king stands in the relationship of `choensok` with his parent, which means the natural relationship like the filiation. The ethics of kingship shares a common place with the ethics of his subjects in respect to the filial duty. The king can not transgress over the social moral of filiation as well as his subjects can not do. On the other hand, since the king is respected as an agent of the heavenly God(上帝), he goes beyond the social ethics by executing his heavenly right as absolute monarch. The king should be respected as an agent who is committed by God to take care of his people. He serves the common wealth by managing well the land-properties, which are believed to have originally belonged to the divinity. Tasan refused the convention that a king is to his subjects what a parent is to their childeren. In his view, the monarch is no other than a political power. He does not rule over his people by means of the human moral, but by means of the law. Tasan`s standpoint about the issue of the relationship between a lord and his slaves can be elucidated by his acute criticism against the royal edict which was promulgated in 1731 in order to improve the social status of slaves. He criticized that the slack discipline slaves enjoy made the social integrity disturbed seriously. Furthermore, he argued for the recovery of the traditional slavery, which had been too highly dissolved in the beginning of the 19 century to be recovered. Finally, `Jokryu(族類)` denotes the relationship between officials and people. The basic ethics of `Jokryu` is that people must be obedient to officials. Tasan argued that, albeit the egalitarian nature of the human being, the life-time compells people to be subjected to great differences in their ability of practicing the ethics. Therefore, these differences made `noble man(君子)` distinguished from `ordinary people(小人),` which are inferior in sharp contrast with the former`s moral excellence. The `noble men` grow up to officials as is legitimated by his good personality, while `ordinary people` forms the basic strata of the society, since their self-interests made them engaged in the fields of agriculture, industry, and commerce. Tasan supported the standpoint that the state has to bestow special benefits to the noble family, that is, the officials and their posterity. The conventional Confucianism(性理學) has grasped the variety of the social relationships in the category of homogeneity and continuity. According to its understandings, every human relationship is controlled by every ethical principle, such as `hyo(孝),` `je(悌),` `chung(忠),` `shin(信),` `kong(恭),` and so on. Every principle reflects the human nature of `inn(仁).` The family, the society and the state cannot be distinguished in its own right, but it is only by the `inn(仁),` i.e., the original source of moral, that they are able to be integrated into the social order. This is no less than moralism or universalism. It is striking that Tasan rejected all these kinds of conventional thoughts. For Tasan, the society is divided into various modes according to the various categories, which have their own principles of ethics. Therefore, the social integrity (or order) has to be subjected to the artificial efforts to establish it firmly. Even though it is remarkable that a sort of conservatism colors darkly Tasan`s viewpoints about the social crisis happened in the beginning of the 19C, it is not to be, nevertheless, denied that Tasan reveals articulately the symptoms of the coming modern age with regard to the methodology of thought, which should be respected as the focal point of the research of the history of thoughts. This is the very conclusion of the study.

18~19세기 소농(小農)사회와 실학 -실학 재평가-

이영훈 ( Young Hoon Rhee ) 한국실학학회 2002 한국실학연구 Vol.4 No.-

논문 : 11-16세기 한국의 노비와 일본의 게닌(下人)

이영훈 ( Young Hoon Rhee ) 경제사학회 2004 經濟史學 Vol.36 No.-

11~16세기 한국의 노비와 일본의 게닌은 그들의 일부가 주인의 사유재산으로서 노예적인 처지에 있었다는 공통점에도 불구하고 몇 가지 중대한 차이를 보였다. 일본의 게닌은 주로 가난한 자유인이 채무노예로 몰락하는 경로를 통해 발생하였음에 비해 한국의 노비는 주로 자유인이 국가의 부세를 피해 귀족?양반가에 투속하거나 그들의 노비와 결혼하는 경로로 확대되었다. 일본의 중세국가는 게닌이 주인의 완전한 사유재산임을 공인하고 양자관계에 개입하지 않았다. 대조적으로 한국의 노비는 한편으론 주인의 사유재산이지만, 다른 한편으론 국가의 공민으로서 공적인 부세를 담당하여야 했다. 한국의 중세국가는 노비에 대한 공적 지배를 완전히 포기하지 않았다. 일본의 게닌들에게는 모자를 쓰지 못하게 하는 등, 그들을 자유인으로부터 격리하고 차별하는 상징이 강하게 부착되었다. 반면에 한국의 노비들은 일반 자유인으로부터 그렇게 심하게 격리되고 차별되지 않았다. 일본의 게닌은 상대적으로 노예에 더 가까운 반면, 한국의 노비는 상대적으로 농노에 더 가까웠다. 그러한 차이는 양국 중세사회의 구조적 차이를 대변하였다. The Nobi(奴婢) in the 11~16th century Korea had some differences in his social existence from his Japanese counterpart Kenin(下人), while both servile men were common in that they were legally private properties of their masters. Kenin was increased in number by the economic contractual path through which the poor free man fell into debt-servitude. In contrast, Korean Nobi was greatly supplied from the free man who threw himself under the safeguard of the man of high standing to evade the public burdens from the government. One another path was the marriage between the free man and the already Nobi. Both paths were not easily divided in reality. The Japanese medieval state approved publicly that the Kenin was a complete private property of his master and did not intervened between their relations. In contrast, Korean medieval dynasties never gave up their supremacies over Nobi population and tried insistently to burden them with public taxes. There were strong social symbols attached to Kenin which meant their severe separation from the free men's community. For example, Kenin could not put on a hempen hood. In contrast, Korean Nobi was not compelled to carry publicly such servile symbols with himself. Japanese Kenin was more familiar with the well-known slaveries in world history than Korean Nobi. This difference does not have any matters with the historical level of each civilization. It reflects only the different structure of each medieval society.

논문 : 18-19세기 농가(農家)의 가계계승(家系繼承)의 추이 - 경상도 단성현(丹城縣) 법물야면(法勿也面) 호적에서 -

이영훈 ( Young Hoon Rhee ),조영준 ( Young Jun Cho ) 경제사학회 2005 經濟史學 Vol.39 No.-

1717-1882년 경상도 丹城縣 法勿也面의 戶籍에서 농가 호의 거의 절반은 한 세대를 경과하기 전에 그 가계가 중단되었다. 수 세대에 걸쳐 장기간 안정적으로 존속한 가계는 소수의 兩班신분에 국한되었다. 농가의 다수를 차지한 하층 良人신분의 농가는 지금까지 일반적으로 생각되어 온 이상으로 심하게 流動하였다. 이 사실은 지금까지 18-19세기 농촌사회의 연구에 있어서 전제가 되어 온 小農自立의 명제에 의문을 던지고 있다. 또한 1825년 농가 호의 존속기간은 1717년에 비해 거의 절반으로 짧아진 것으로 확인되었다. 이는 19세기 농촌경제가 18세기보다 크게 악화되었음을 반영하고 있다. 농가의 존속기간은 가족형태에 따라 가족의 규모가 커지고 구성이 복합적일수록 길게 나타나고 있다. 이는 농가의 재생산구조가 전반적으로 불안정한 가운데 단혼가족→직계가족→복합가족→해체가족이라는 가족형태의 유기체적인 변환과정이 순조롭지 않았음을 시사하고 있다. From 1717-1882, only half of rural families recorded in Tansong Household Registers survived for more than one generation. Only yangban families, privileged class accounting for a small part of the Korean countryside, could avoid extinction for several generations. This finding casts doubt on the accepted view that typical Korean peasants in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries enjoyed independence and stability. We also found that average lasting period of rural families in 1825 was only half as long as that in 1717. This is consistent with evidence showing that living standards fell during the 19th century.

總說

李榮薰(Rhee Young-hoon) 역사학회 2001 역사학보 Vol.171 No.-

조선시대의 주호-협호관계 재론

이영훈 ( Young Hoon Rhee ) 한국고문서학회 2004 古文書硏究 Vol.25 No.-

개선사석등(開仙寺石燈)에 새겨진 8∼9세기 신라(新羅)의 토지제도

이영훈 ( Rhee Young Hoon ) 한국고문서학회 2017 古文書硏究 Vol.50 No.-

이 논문은 9세기 후반에 세워진 開仙寺石燈의 石燈記에 관한 종래의 判讀을 보완한 다음, 석등이 세워지고 석등기가 새겨진 경위에 대한 새로운 이해를 제시하였다. 연후에 다른 石文에서나 古記錄에서 볼 수 없는 석등기 고유의 용어를 천착하여 統一新羅의 土地制度에 관해 종래 알지 못하거나 잘못 알았던 몇 가지 사실을 발견하였다. 가장 의미 있는 발견은 9세기 후반 武珍州 일원에서 신라의 귀족·관료가 소유한 토지는 개인의 상업적인 사유재산이 아니라 총생산의 1/4을 농민으로부터 수취하는 국가에 의해 지급된 정치적인 收租地이며, 그 역사적 기원은 757년 이래 신라가 귀족·관료에 지급해 온 官僚田 또는 祿邑에 있다는 사실이다. 귀족·관료의 수조지를 경작한 농민과 관련하여 본 석등기는 어느 농민의 이름을 전하고 있다. 이는 또 하나의 의미 있는 큰 발견인데, 그 농민은 722년 신라가 백성에게 丁田을 지급한 이래 丁戶라고 불린 世帶複合體의 대표로 간주된다. Upon a thorough decipher of the inscription on the stone lantern of temple Kaesun, which was built in the end of the 9^th century, this paper suggested a new understanding on the land system of the contemporary Silla(新羅) dynasty. First, the land property owned by the aristocrat of the dynasty belonged not to the commercial private possession but to the political tax collecting right, which was originated from the Nokeup(祿邑) system started in 757. That political right remained under the king`s sovereignty loyally even though it was enjoyed as a hereditary possession of the aristocrat family. Second, this paper found one person`s name from the inscription, denying the traditional wisdom that it should be the name of a place. Since several years ago, I have been guessing that the land was cultivated by the household complex called as Jeongho(丁戶) under the rule of the 8∼9th century Silla dynasty. Typically, it was a kinship group consisted of 8 small families. The man this paper found from the inscription might represent that kind of household complex.

성리학 전통에 비친 대한민국의 건국

이영훈(Rhee Young-hoon) 한국학중앙연구원 2009 한국학 Vol.32 No.2

비평논문 : 혼란과 환상의 역사적(歷史的) 시공(時空) -허수열의 『일제초기 조선의 농업』에 답한다-

이영훈 ( Young Hoon Rhee ) 경제사학회 2012 經濟史學 Vol.53 No.-

이 글은 허수열의 필자에 대한 비판에 대응하기 위해 쓰였다. 그의 비판과 달리 김제ㆍ만경평야에서 재래 수리시설의 발전은 낮은 수준이었다. 그가 1921년의 지도에서 본 수리시설은 20세기에 일본인이 축조한 것이었다. 벽골제는 330년 조수의 출입을 막을 목적으로 세워진 방조제였다. 그는 이 새로운 설을 반박하였지만 성공하지 못하였다. 그는 18-19세기의 추수기들이 보이는 두락당 지대량의 하락 추세를 지대수취의 관행에 변화한 결과로 이해하였으나 합당한 근거를 제시하지 못하였다. 그것은 수도작의 생산성이 하락하는 추세를 의미하였다. 그는 1910년대의 농업통계가 전하는 미국 생산의 급속한 증가를 믿을 수 없다고 했지만, 그것은 농가의 증산 의욕에 따른 투입 노동력의 증가와 전의 답으로의 지목 변환으로도 설명되는 것이었다. This paper is written as a reply to Soo Yeul Huh`s criticism to my argument. Contrary to his assertions, the traditional irrigation facilities in Kimje-Mankyung paddy plains were on the low stage of development until the 19th century. The irrigation facilities in 1921 which are regarded as traditional by Huh were actually built by Japanese planters in the early 20th century. The Byokgol bank in the plains was built in 330 to block the tide, encouraging the inner part of the bank to grow into the fertile paddy field. Huh`s criticism to this new understanding of the bank ended in failure. only revealing his confusion about historical realities of that bank. According to the crop records collected hitherto, the amount of rent per unit land declined continuously from the end of the 17th century to the end of the 19th century. Huh regarded that trend only as the results of the change of ways of rent collecting without suggesting any proper empirical bases. It is almost inevitable to interpret it as the long trend of decline of the paddy farming`s productivities during the 18-19th centuries. Huh refused the credibility of 1910`s agricultural statistics for the reason that the speed of the increase of rice production is too high. My reply is that the increase of labour input including the changes of land category from dry field into paddy urged by the peasant`s industry is enough to explain the high speed of rice production increase in the 1910`s.