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Yun Sangwon(윤상원) 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2013 International Journal of Korean History Vol.18 No.1
이 글의 목적은 시베리아 내전이 끝난 1922년 이후 연해주 한인사회 정치지형의 변화를 밝혀내는 것이다. 내전에서 소비에트적군과 함께 백군 및 제국주의 간섭군들과 싸웠던 연해주의 한인들은 승리자가 되었다. 그러나 전쟁의 시기가 끝나고 건설의 시기가 시작되면서 연해주 한인사회의 정치지형도 그에 맞추어 변화되었다. 내전 기간에 소비에트적군 및 러시아 빨치산들과 함께 활동하던 한인 빨치산들도 새로운 길을 찾아야 했다. 대다수의 한인들은 연해주에 남아 그곳에 사회주의 사회를 건설하는 과업에 참여했다. 그들은 연해주에서 러시아혁명을 완수하는 사업에 노력을 기울였다. 한편 내전 이후 조선혁명을 위해 새로운 투쟁지를 찾아 떠난 이들이 있다. 그들은 만주와 중국 관내로 진출하여 항일투쟁을 지속했다. 조선혁명의 완수를 위해 조선으로 파견되어 조선공산당 조직운동과 민족해방운동을 전개한 이들도 있었다. 이들 중 많은 수는 상해파 고려공산당과 관계를 맺고 있던 인물들이었다. 이들이 떠난 빈 자리를 내전 종결과 함께 시베리아에서 연해주로 돌아온 한인들이 채워나갔다. 그들은 대체로 이르쿠츠크파 고려공산당 계열과 직간접적인 관계를 가진 인물들이었다. 특히 ‘4월 참변’으로 연해주를 떠났던 예전 대한국민회의 지도자들도 속속 연해주로 몰려들었다. 이들은 내전이 끝난 후 사회주의 건설의 도정에 서 있는 연해주에서 당과 정부의 중요 지위를 차지하며 한인사회에 영향력을 확대해 갔다. 이러한 일련의 과정을 통해 1920년대 중반 연해주 한인사회의 정치지형은 예전 대한국민의회 성원들이 주도하게 되었다. 이것은 블라디보스톡을 중심으로 한 연해주 지방이 이제 더 이상 한인 민족해방운동의 중심지로 역할을 하지 못하게 되었다는 사실을 의미한다. 한일합방 이후부터 1920년대 초까지 해외 민족해방운동의 중심지 역할을 하던 연해주 지역은 이후 민족해방운동과는 일정한 거리를 두게 되었다. 다만 러시아 내에서 사회주의 건설에 매진하며 한인들의 생활을 향상시키는 활동이 주로 이루어졌다. The purpose of this article is to shed light on how the political topography of the Korean community in the Russian Maritime Province changed, in 1922 and thereafter, with the end of the Russian Civil War in Siberia. Koreans in the region had fought on the side of the Soviet Red Army against the White Army of Russia and the international intervention army in that war, and had come out as victors. After the war, came an era of reconstruction. Koreans in the region had to adapt to the changing situation in the province. Korean partisan guerrillas who had fought on the side of the Red Army and Russian guerrillas now had to build a new life. A majority of them chose to stay there and applied themselves to the work of building socialism and participating in the fulfillment of the Russian revolution. Meanwhile, some of them chose to continue the struggle for their home country’s independence and left for new sites, including Manchuria and China, to campaign against Imperial Japan. Some of them were dispatched to Korea with the aim of fulfilling the objective of the Korean revolution and helping organize the Korean Communist Party and the national liberation movement. Many of these people were affiliated with the Shanghai Faction of the Korean Communist Party. The positions left vacant by their departure came to be filled by people who had returned to the Russian Maritime Province following the end of the civil war. They were mostly those affiliated, directly or indirectly, with the Irkutsk Faction of the Korean Communist Party. Senior members of the old Korean National Council, who had left the Maritime Province after the massacre of Koreans in the province’s New Korean Town by the Japanese army, in April 1920, returned in droves. They soon took up important positions in the party and the soviet, and so increased their influence on the Korean community. In this process, senior members of the old Korean National Council came to play a leading role in the province. Such was the political topography of the Korean community in the Russian Maritime Province in the mid-1920s. Amid such changes, the Russian Maritime Province, including Vladivostok, which had served as the center of the overseas national liberation movement for Korea between 1910 and the early 1920s, could no longer play such a role. Koreans in the province applied themselves to working for the construction of socialism and for the enhancement of the living standards of Koreans in Russia.
윤상원(Yun Sangwon) 한국사연구회 2012 한국사연구 Vol.156 No.-
This thesis analyzes the Koreans’ perception of China around the time when the Wanbaoshan Incident (Man-bo-san Sah-gun) took place, especially focusing on the socialists’ point of view. After the Wanbaoshan Incident, Koreans who were enraged by the event carried out a series of attacks on Chinese residents in cities like Kyungsung, Pyeongyang and Incheon. The Japanese police at that time placed socialists who inhabited Kyungsung in preventive custody. Consequently, the socialists weren’t able to take a part in coping with the aftermath of series of attacks on Chinese that happened after the Wanbaoshan Incident. Plus, they lost their chance to contact the public within the legal boundary. Alongside the general trend of socialist movement which was to go underground after the dismissal of Shinganhui, this event has led the socialists to gradually disappear, ceasing to pursue their movement within the boundary of law. When veteran socialists that worked within the boundary of law weren’t properly dealing with the aftermath of the Wanbaoshan Incident, the newly rising socialists issued manifesto to inform the public about the truth of the Wanbaoshan Incident and the essence of invasion policy of Japanese imperialism. In the manifesto, the socialists clearly pointed out that the Chinese farmers were not Chosun’s enemies but the incident was a part of the invasion policy of Japanese imperialism. Also, they insisted that Chinese army was one of the enemies. The socialists drew a distinction between the Chinese army and the bourgeois class that were in the vanguard of the Japanese imperialism and the common Chinese people who were suppressed by the empowered. The lessons that the socialists learned from the Wanbaoshan Incident reassured their internationalist principle which stated that accomplishing the Chinese revolution by collaborating with Chinese farmers and laborers was the way to drive Japanese imperialism out of Chosun. There started to exist a slight difference in perception of China between the socialists who worked within the boundary of the Maintenance of the Public Order Act and those who didn’t conform to it. It was the role of those who worked within the legal boundary to refine the ‘raw’ ideas of their partners who didn’t conform to the law. By making national-wide appeal in writing, the socialists were trying to convince that nationalists’ movement to help Koreans in Manchuria was an impractical proposal and that nationalists’ perception of China derived from the pro-Japanese logic. In the process of that, the socialists began to perceive differently of China’s Nationalist party, debating whether they will bring it down or take advantage of it. In the meantime, the socialists who were used to the style of activism in 1920s began to quit engaging in the movement, convinced or forced to do so by the Japanese imperialism which commenced to take the form of militarism. This trend of going underground by evading the intervention of law, which had been rising since the dismissal of Shinganhui became prominent while experiencing Wanbaoshan Incident and the Manuchurian incident.
윤상원(Sangwon Yun),김상우(Sangwoo Kim),김승남(Sungnam Kim) 한국자동차공학회 2011 한국자동차공학회 학술대회 및 전시회 Vol.2011 No.11
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