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      • Gr.91강의 크리프-피로에 미치는 유지시간 형태의 영향

        오태영 忠南大學校 大學院 2010 국내석사

        RANK : 247631

        Gr.91 steel has good mechanical properties and a lower thermal expansion coefficient than austenitic stainless steel. Gr.91 steel is a candidate material for reactor vessel for VHTR. The reactor vessel of VHTR is operated at about 450℃ during normal conditions but temperature increases during accident conditions. At this temperature, fatigue occurs during the start-up and cool-down, and creep occurs during the normal operation. Creep-fatigue damage by the interaction between fatigue and creep is an important factor that limits VHTR reactor vessel life. In this study, the effect of hold time on the low cycle fatigue behavior of Gr.91 steel at 600℃ was investigated in air. LCF tests were carried out at 600℃ and the strain rate was 2x10-3/s under the strain control. The hold time experiments were carried out using a trapezoidal waveform. Creep-fatigue interaction tests were conducted by introducing a hold time at peak tension and in peak compression for periods in the range 1,5,10min. Fatigue specimens was of 8mm diameter and 16mm gauge length. The Fatigue life was defined as 25% reduction of tensile peak stress of 1/2Nf. All tests were conducted in an air environment. The test temperature was maintained constantly within ±2℃ during the period of the test. Creep-fatigue life with a tensile hold was less than the compressive hold. Fatigue life decreased and the time to failure was increased with the hold time. Creep fatigue life decreased with an increase in the hold time in tensile and compressive hold time. There was softening with cycles for fatigue and creep fatigue. Stress relaxation with tensile and compressive hold is almost the same during the 10min hold time. Stress relaxation decreased with cycles for Creep fatigue. crack initiation percentage of TH is about 70%. And Crack initiation percentage of CH is about 80%. Striation spacing with the hold time is almost same. Crack the initiation of creep-fatigue is more important than Crack propagation.

      • 이전가격과세제도와 관세평가제도의 조화에 관한 연구

        오태영 한남대학교 일반대학원 2009 국내박사

        RANK : 247631

        글로벌기업의 이전가격은 매우 복잡하고 어려운 의사결정과정을 거쳐서 결정되고 있다. 가격은 기본적으로 원가, 경쟁, 고객 그리고 전략에 의하거나, 현지시장의 인플레이션, 환율의 평가절상과 평가절하, 정부의 통제와 지원, 경쟁자의 행동, 시장수요의 변동 등과 같은 요인을 감안하여 결정된다. 그 외에도 글로벌기업은 각각의 다양한 방법으로 가격을 결정하고 있다. 이러한 가격결정이 기업에게도 어려운 의사결정과정이지만, 조세당국의 입장에서도 어려운 문제이다. 이전가격이 시장가격과 정상거래원칙을 반영하지 못한다면 글로벌기업의 조세부담액에 왜곡이 생길 수 있고, 국가의 입장에서도 조세수입에 차질이 생길 수 있어서 내국세 측면에서는 OECD 이전가격과세지침(Transfer Pricing Guidelines)이 제정되었고, 관세 측면에서도 WTO 관세평가협약에서 특수관계자간 거래가격에 대한 관세평가방법이 제정되어 있다. 그러나 현재 양 과세제도의 차이에서 오는 납세자의 어려움과 같이 과세당국에서도 같은 고민이 계속되고 있다. 국제기구인 WCO와 OECD에서 이러한 고민을 해결해 보고자 모임과 협의를 계속하고 있으나 두 제도사이의 근원적 차이와 제도변천과정의 차이로 인해 아직까지 해결점을 찾지 못하고 있다. 그러나 이에 대한 논의는 도처에서 이루어지고 있는 것을 확인할 수 있다. 우선 양 과세제도의 제도적 조화보다 먼저 양 과세당국에서 상대측 과세제도에 대한 세부적인 이해가 선행되어야 할 것이다. 또한 쌍방간의 과세제도는 서로 대립하는 것이 아니며, 상호 보완적인 역할을 할 수 있다는 인식에서 출발하여 두 제도를 이해하는 노력이 지속되어야 한다. 이러한 인식을 바탕으로 본문 제2장에서 글로벌기업의 이전가격결정요소 및 글로벌 환경에서의 과세가격결정방법에 대하여 검토하였고, 제3장에서는 내국세 이전가격세제에서의 최적가격원칙, 비교가능성분석, 정상가격산출방법과 관세평가제도에서의 과세가격결정방법과 특수관계 영향여부 판단방법을 검토하였다. 제4장에서는 이전가격에 대한 관세평가측면의 문제점을 검토하면서 이전가격세제와 관세평가제도의 차이에서 오는 부조화와 이전가격에 대한 합리적인 관세평가방법에 대한 이해부족, 특수관계가 거래가격에 영향을 미쳤는지 판단하는데 어려움이 있고, 모회사와 자회사의 이전가격 조정에 대한 관세평가상 기준이 불명확하다는 것을 확인하였다. 또한, 이전가격세제와 관세평가의 조화를 위한 쟁점으로서, 내국세당국이 원가가산법, 재판매가격법, 거래순이익률법등을 사용해 심사한 이전가격을 관세당국이 인정할 수 있는지와 이전가격세제에 의한 이전가격의 보상조정에 따라 관세환급이 가능한지와 이에 대한 조화방안을 찾아보았다. 주로 양 과세제도의 조화는 이전가격세제에서 관세평가로의 조화를 의미하지만, 내국세당국이 관세평가제도를 받아들이는 방안도 찾아보았다. 그러나 내국세에서 심사한 가격을 관세에서 그냥 받아들이는 것에 대해서는 문제점이 있음을 제기하면서 OECD 이전가격과세지침에서도 언급하고 있듯 관세와 내국세당국이 정보교환 부분에서 협조를 늘리는 것이 특히 유용하다는 것을 인식하고 협조방안을 찾아 보았다. 또한 글로벌기업의 관세평가제도에 관한 개선방안의로 특수관계영향 여부 판단방법의 개선, 비교가격검토에서 독립가격 인정범위 명확화, 이전가격 관세평가 분석서 제출제도 도입을 제안하고, 특수관계자간 거래가격이 채택되지 않을 경우 가장 많이 사용하는 이윤 및 일반경비율 제도의 개선방안도 제안하였다. 무엇보다 양 과세당국이 상대방의 결정사항을 법규가 다르다는 이유로 배척하거나 무조건 받아들이라는 것이 아니라 상호 조화를 위한 노력이 지속되어야 함을 강조하였다.

      • 관절가동기법이 양 하지 뇌성마비 아동의 하지 기능에 미치는 영향

        오태영 대구대학교 2004 국내박사

        RANK : 247631

        경직형 양하지 뇌성마비 아동의 근골격계 문제는 다양한 신체적 문제를 야기하며 일상생활동작을 위한 움직임의 질적인 저하를 가져다준다. 이를 해결하기 위한 방법이 다각도로 모색되고 있는 가운데 본 연구의 목적은 경직형 양하지 뇌성마비 아동의 근골격계 문제를 해결함으로서 하지 기능을 개선시키기 위하여 하지 다관절 근 군과 관절에 관절가동기법을 적용함으로서 그 치료적 효과를 증명하고자 하는 것이며, 또한 하지 기능 개선을 위해서 정형외과 수술 치료력을 가진 아동과 국소약물주사 치료력을 가진 아동, 그리고 이러한 치료력 없이 관절 가동기법을 적용한 아동들의 하지 기능 개선의 차이를 확인하고자 하는 것이다. 본 연구에 참여한 대상자는 정형외과 수술 치료력을 가진 10명의 아동(수술적용군), 국소약물주사 치료력을 가진 아동 10명(약물주사군), 수술이나 약물주사 치료력을 전혀 가지지 않은 아동 10명(가동기법군)을 대상으로 실시하였으며, 모두 경직형 양하지 뇌성마비 아동으로 의학적 진단을 받았으며, 14세 이하의 독립보행이 가능한 아동으로 선정하였다. 대상자 모두에게 1주당 2회 신경학적 치료를 실시하였고, 가동기법군에는 관절가동기법을 병행하여 실시하였으며, 모두 4주간의 연구기간을 거쳤다. 하지 기능을 알아보기 위해서 대 운동 기능 평가(gmfm), MP 150 근전도 기기를 이용한 비복근의 근 활동, Paortec system을 이용한 정적 및 동적 족저압 분포 특성 등을 평가하였으며, 그 결과 관절가동기법을 적용한 치료군에서 대 운동기능 평가, 근 활동, 정적 및 동적 족저압의 분포 등이 일관성 있는 통계학적 유의한 차이를 나타냄으로서 관절가동기법의 적용이 양하지 뇌성마비 아동들의 하지 기능을 개선시키는데 매우 중요한 역할을 한다는 것을 알 수 있었다. 수술이나 약물주사 치료력을 가진 아동들도 하지 기능 개선을 나타내었지만, 통계학적 유의한 차이는 없었으며, 각 군 내에서 편차가 아주 많았던 것을 알 수 있었다. 결론적으로 수술이나 약물을 이용한 경직의 감소나 근육의 역학적 변화가 운동의 질을 개선시키는데 한계가 있다는 것을 알 수 있었으며, 양하지 뇌성마비 아동들의 하지 기능을 질적으로 향상시키기 위해서는 근육의 정상 활동을 통한 관절 운동 기전을 회복시키는 것이 무엇보다도 중요한 요소가 된다는 것을 확인할 수 있었다. The problem of skeletomuscular in diplegic children with cerebral palsy have varieties physical problem and decrease quality of movement in A.D.L. The purpose of this study was to estimate the effect of joint mobilization on multi joint muscle and lower limbs joint for improvement of lower limbs function in diplegic children with cerebral palsy without history of orthopaedic surgery and local injection, compare to the differences of improvement among diplegic children with cerebral palsy with orthopaedic surgery and local injection and without any medical history. Function of lower limbs measured were through Gross Motor Functional Measurement Scale, muscle activation of both gastrocnemius using E.M.G, and foot plantar pressure distribution characteristics using Parotec system. Thirty subjects with dipleic cerebral palsy who were able to walk independently participated were divided into three groups ; operation group(n=10) had a history with orthopaedic surgery, injection group(n=10) had a history with local injection, mobilization group(n=10) had manual mobilization approach. Only neurological approach was applied operation and injection groups, but neurological approach with joint mobilization technique were applied to mobilization group for twice per week by experimental period of 4 weeks The result of this study were as follow ; 1. In mobilization group, there were significant difference between pre and post experiment in GMFM total scores and GMFM item " D" scores related to "standing", and GMFM item "E" scores related to "walking"(p<.05). Result of E.M.G in mobilization group showed that right gastrocnemius activation was increased(p<.05), and result of foot pressure was increased symmetry of both static and dynamic foot pressure for reason of increased right static pressure and contact time-impuls total dynamic pressure(p<.05). 10 out of 2 pressure sensor had positive difference in static and dynamic foot pressure. 2. In operation group, the results of GMFM that increased mean value of total scores, item "D" scores, item "E" scores, but there were no significant difference between pre and post experiment. Gastrocnemius activation were no difference between pre and post experiment in right or left by E.M.G. The result of foot pressure that increased asymmetry of both static pressure by significant difference(p<.05), and then there were no significant difference in symmetry of contact times-impuls total dynamic foot pressure. 10 out of 24 pressure sensor had no difference in static and dynamic foot pressure. 3. In injection group, the results of GMFM that increased mean value of total scores, item "D" scores, item "E" scores, but there were no significant difference between pre and post experiment. Gastrocnemius activation were no difference between pre and post experiment in right or left by E.M.G. The result of foot pressure that doesn't show significant difference in symmetry of static and contact times-impuls total dynamic foot pressure. 10 out of 24 pressure sensor had no difference in static and dynamic foot pressure. 4. There were correlational coefficient among total scores, item "D" scores, item "E" scores in GMFM of three groups(p<.01). 5. An analysis of correlational coefficient among total scores of GMFM, gastrocnemius activation, foot pressure distribution of three groups, there were significant correlational coefficient between E.M.Gm and symmetry of static foot pressure(p<.01) 6. In mobilization group had significant correlational coefficient between GMFM item "D" and static foot pressure, in injection group had signifiant correlational coefficient between GMFM item "D" and dynamic foot pressure by analysis of correlational coefficient among itme "D", item "E", static foot pressure, dynamic foot pressure(p<.01). In conclusion, we could confirm that decrease of spastic and mechanical change of muscle were limited for improve of movement quality, and that is very important to improve the normal arthrokinetic mechanism by normal muscle activation for the function of lower limbs in diplegic children with cerebral palsy.

      • 국내 중소기업의 베트남시장 진출 전략에 관한 고찰 : 진출현황과 성공사례를 중심으로

        오태영 단국대학교 경영대학원 2018 국내석사

        RANK : 247631

        글로벌 경제 불황과 침체가 지속되는 상황에서 신흥국가들은 경기해소의 돌파구로 조명되고 있다. 특히 베트남은 중국과 인접한 지리적 이점과 내수시장의 잠재 소비가능성이 높다. 때문에 베트남 진출에 대하여 수출과 직접투자에 대한 중요성이 부각되고 있으며, 국내 중소기업의 지속가능성의 기회로 평가되고 있다. 하지만 기존 베트남진출기업의 연구가 미진하여, 베트남 진출을 고려하거나 진출한 기업들의 진출 전략 수립에 도움이 되지 못하고 있다. 이에 본 연구는 현 국내 중소기업들의 수출 현황과 베트남 시장에 대한 경제, 시장, 투자 현황과 진출 중소기업의 사례, 기존 해외진출 연구들을 정리 및 취합하여 시장 진출에 대한 전략을 조사하였다. 연구결과 베트남 진출 중소기업들의 진출과제로 나타난 것은, 첫째 중소기업의 역량 강화와 중소기업 지원제도의 변화이다. 독일의 강소기업군인 미텔슈탄트의 핵심 역량인 기업의 지속적인 R&D와 산학 연구를 통한 기술력의 연장과 실용화를 통하여 기업의 강점을 살리는 것은 M사의 수출 성공사례와 S사의 직접투자 성공사례에서 볼 수 있듯이 현지 구매자와 제3국에게 상당히 매력적인 강점으로 작용함을 확인할 수 있었다. 더불어 산업의 분류와 진출기업의 진출 단계를 구분하여 산업 및 특정기업에 맞춤화 된 양질의 지원과 지속적인 모니터링이 병행됨에 따라 중소기업의 해외진출에 더욱 큰 시너지로 작용할 수 있음을 확인하였다. 둘째, 유망분야별 중소기업 진출 확대이다. 최근 한·베트남 FTA체결을 통하여 대 베트남 수출에 대하여 관세 장벽이 허물어지고 있다. 현재 베트남은 스마트 폰 및 자동차와 같은 대규모 제조 단지가 조성되어 가동되고 있으나, 고부가가치 원자재 및 반제품에 대한 대외 의존도가 상당히 높다. 더불어 베트남 내수시장의 성장으로 국민들의 소비 패턴 또한 변화가 이루어지고 있다. 때문에 경쟁력 있는 국내 중소기업들에게는 베트남시장은 매력적인 시장이며, 국내 내수 활성화를 위하여 수출을 통한 진출이 필요하다. 셋째, 중소기업의 대 베트남 진출 특화 전략이 필요하다. 국내 중소기업의 베트남 진출은 대다수 대기업과의 동반 파트너 진출하였다. 하지만 현지 시장에 대한 중소기업들의 생존성을 강화하기 위하여, 현지 시장에 대한 특화 브랜드 전략이 필요하다. 현재 대 베트남 시장에 대한 국내 중소기업의 진출은 활발하게 이루어지고 있지만, 본 연구에서 제시한 과제를 충족한다면 보다 효과적으로 시장을 점유해 나갈 수 있다. 하지만 산업별 베트남 진출 전략 선행연구에 대한 실증연구의 현황이 부족하다. 본 연구에 대한 향후 연구들의 실증연구가 계속되어 진다면 대 베트남에 대한 중소기업의 진출에 긍정적인 효과를 끼칠 것으로 본다. Emerging economies are emerging as a breakthrough in economic recovery amid the continuing economic slump and stagnation of the economy. In particular, Vietnam is highly likely to have the potential for a local market near China and its potential for domestic consumption. Therefore, the importance of exports and direct investment in Vietnam is highlighted, and it is regarded as an opportunity for the sustainability of domestic small businesses. However, the research firm has failed to devise strategies for advancing into Vietnamese companies. The study examined strategies for advancing into the market by arranging and compiling the current status of small and midsize enterprises and the economic, market, investment status of small and midsize enterprises, and research and development of existing entrants into the market. The research shows that SMEs have become increasingly committed to small businesses entering into small businesses, and SMEs are more likely to support SMEs and change small and medium enterprises. By extending the strength of the firm's strengths and weaknesses through the continued R&D of the firm's core R&D team, and the commercialization of technology through the study of the firm's core, the company was able to verify that it works fairly attractive to local buyers and third parties alike. Moreover, the classification of industrial and specialized companies has been divided into industrial classifications, allowing them to become more synergistic in the promotion of small and medium sized firms, along with the combination of high-quality and continuous monitoring and continuous monitoring of industries. Second, it will expand into small and midsize businesses. Recently, the tariff barriers to exports have been crumbling due to a recent signing of the Korea-China FTA. Currently, Vietnam is equipped with large-scale manufacturing complexes such as smart phones and automobiles, but it is highly dependent on high value-added materials and semi-finished products. In addition, with the growth of domestic demand in Vietnam, consumer spending patterns are also changing. For the sake of competitiveness, the Vietnamese market is attractive to the domestic small and medium-sized enterprises and needs to move through exports to boost domestic consumption. Third, a special strategy is needed for small and medium businesses to advance to Vietnam. Domestic small and medium enterprises entering Vietnam have joined the ranks of major companies with large enterprises. However, a specialized brand strategy for local markets is needed to strengthen the viability of small businesses in the local market. Domestic small and midsize businesses are actively entering the market today, but if they meet the challenges presented in the study, they can take the market more effectively. However, there is a lack of empirical research on the feasibility study of strategic studies conducted by industry in Vietnam. If the empirical study of future studies on this study continues, it will have a positive effect on the emergence of SMEs in the Greater Vietnam Era.

      • 대퇴골 골절 유발 동물에서 八味地黃丸의 골절 치유 효과

        오태영 대전대학교 대학원 2023 국내박사

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        Objectives: This study was designed to evaluate the bone healing effects of Palmijihwanghwan(PM) in femur fractured mice. Methods: The mice were randomly divided into 5 groups (normal, control, positive control, PM 2500, PM 5000). All groups except normal group were subjected to both femoral fracture. Normal group and control group received no treatment at all. Positive control group was treated with alendronate sodium (60 ㎍/㎏). Experimental group were orally medicated with PM (2,500 ㎎/㎏ and 5,000 ㎎/㎏) once a day for 14th and 28th days. For the morphological analysis, gross observation and X-ray were conducted to investigate the effect of bone union. For histological analysis, hematoxylin & eosin staining, safranin O staining and Masson's trichrome staining were perfomed. Tensile stress and compressive force of bone were conducted to analyze bone’s strength by using universal test machine. For measuring the bone thickness, BMC, BMD, bone area and bone volume, we used DXA analysis. To evaluate the safety of PM on hepatotoxicity renal toxicity, ALT, AST, LDH, BUN, and creatinine were measured by using automated biochemical analyzer. Results: 1. As a result of morphological analysis, faster bone healing in the PM group were observed than control group. 2. As a result of histological analysis, callus formation was observed in all groups after 14th days. 3. As a result of DXA analysis, the levels of bone thickness and bone area in the PM group were significantly decreased compared with those of the control group, but there were no significant differences in the levels of BMC, BMD, and bone volume. 4. As a result of tensile and compressive force analysis, the levels of tensile and compressive force in PM group were increased compared with those of the control group, but it was not statistically significant. 5. As a result of the safety analysis, in the liver function test, the levels of ALT, AST and LDH in PM groups were increased compared with those control group but it was not statistically significant. In the renal fuction test, there were no significant difference compared with the control group. Conclusions: It was experimentally confirmed that Palmijihwanghwan had significant morphological and histological effects. In conclusion, Palmijihwanghwan promotes the progress of bone healing and is thought to be clinically useful for fracture treatment.

      • 레저스포츠산업에 대한 잠재수요 동향

        오태영 중앙대학교 2005 국내박사

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        본 연구는 레저스포츠산업의 향후 동향을 과학적으로 예측해 보기 위해 현재와 미래의 잠재수요 특성을 체계적으로 분석하여 레저스포츠산업의 발전요인을 도출하는데 있다. 이에 레저스포츠산업에 대한 현황을 분석하기 위해 레저스포츠인구 및 사회경제적 환경 분석이 이루어졌다. 아울러 법규와 제도, 레저스포츠 산업의 동향을 분석하게 되었다. 나아가 레저스포츠산업에 대한 잠재수요특성 분석에 필요한 현황분석과 향후 수요전망을 통해 레저스포츠산업의 특성을 분석하였다. 그리고 레저스포츠산업에 관한 지역여건 요인분석과 시장 환경 요인분석을 통해서 발전전략을 수립하였다. 이때 사용된 자료수집 과정을 보면 2차에 걸쳐서 행해졌다. 1차 조사는 현재 강원도의 현황과 타 지역과 비교 분석하여, 레저스포츠산업 및 관련된 연계 부문의 아이디어 도출에 근거 자료를 파악함으로써 전략 수립의 기초 자료를 수집하였다. 다음으로 2차 조사는 2002년부터 지금까지 지속적으로 진행되었는데, 이 기간 동안에는 주로 해외 출장조사와 설문조사 자료를 수집하였다. 이러한 자료를 통해서 분석된 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째는 지역경제산업 측면의 문제점 및 잠재력을 확보하기 위해서는 향후 핵심적인 미래 산업의 발굴이 되어야 한다. 이를 위해서 향후의 산업정책은 첨단산업과 관광레저 산업 위주로 구축되어야 한다. 둘째는 동계스포츠 산업의 전개를 위한 법, 제도 측면의 문제점을 보완해 나아가야한다. 이를 위해서는 동계스포츠 정책의 강화와 여타 레저스포츠 프로그램의 다양화가 진행되어야 한다. 셋째는, 레저스포츠 프로그램은 단발적 차원에서 비체계적으로 진행되고 있어 지역특성과 개발계획에 맞은 프로그램이 요구된다. 이를 위해서는 스키, 골프장 등 대규모 리조트와 지역관광지를 대별하여 개발할 필요성이 있다. 넷째는, 양호한 환경?활동의 특성별 장점과 다양성을 바탕으로 한 고부가가치의 창출을 위한 시설과 프로그램의 확대가 요구되며, 목적형 방문객 확장이 필요하다. 이를 위해서는 지역 및 입지 특성별 차별화된 관광지의 잠재력을 보유하고 있는 각종 스키장 중심의 리조트 환경을 개선할 필요성이 있다. 다섯째는 관광레저산업인 레저스포츠 부문의 경쟁력 강화가 산업자원 강화측면에서 절실히 필요하다. 이를 위해서는 레저스포츠 산업의 낙관적 시나리오는 관광부문의 전략적 산업화가 체계적으로 추진되어야 한다. 여섯째는 잠재수요자의 생활/레저 트랜드 및 여가의식?형태 특성과 현재 스포츠, 관광 부문의 이용행태와 요구에 기반 한 부족기능의 강화 및 추세에 부합하는 프로그램 구성이 요구된다. 일곱번째는 강원도를 지금의 관광 및 스포츠 특성과 관련한 장점요인을 강화시키는 전략이 절실히 필요하다. 끝으로 본 연구는 레저와 스포츠를 테마로 한 관광산업으로서 특정지역을 중심으로 연계관광 자원을 재구성하였고, 스포츠 레저 관광산업을 기반으로 하여 지역 산업구조 재편 방안을 검토하였다. 아울러 동북아 레저스포츠의 메카지역으로 발돋움하기위해서는 다양한 연구가 진행 되어야 할 것으로 본다.

      • 病院組織內 醫療技士集團의 葛藤에 관한 硏究 : 蔚山廣域市內 綜合病院을 中心으로

        오태영 동국대학교 지역개발대학원 1998 국내석사

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        The goal of my study is to analyse the effect for psychologic conflict of medical technician group and find the effective method of management for them and, to suggest basic data for rationalization of hospital management and effective formulation of manpower policy. Our study is largely divided into two parts of theoretical and actual studies. In the theoretical study, documents and papers for business management and systemic action were evaluated and systemically well organized. Data for actual study was acquired by direct interview for 164 medical technicians engaged in the one university and two general hospitals located in the ulsan city. Data was statistically analysed by SPSS/PC+(Statstical Package for Social Science). Results were summarized as. 1. When conflict existed, respondents to utilize counsellor accounted for only 3%. 2. For the question that a superior well accept and respect their opinion on performing business, respondents that answered do so accounted for 27.4% and ones that don't accounted for 43.9%. 3. Opposing opinion with a superior were experienced in 67.1%. Answer that the method of treatment of a superior for the problem occurred between departments were proper was done only in 12.2%. Opposing opinion and conflict of role with companion on performing business also accounted for high ratio(71.9% and 64% respectively). Therefore both vertical and horizontal conflict appeared to severe. 4. Only 31.7% of respondents answered to be satisfied with their present task and 68.3% to be dissatisfied. The dissatisfaction for pay accounted for 70.7% and it for the opportunity for rising in rank accounted for 79.3%. 5. If there is another job capable of much more displaying the ability, respondents that want to leave the present place of work accounted for 56.7%, and ones that don't accounted for 20.1%. And for the answer about whether they will choice the present place of work if retry to decide the job, respondents that will do so accounted for 14% and ones that will not accounted for 62.2%. High idea of separation from job was suggested. 6. In 57.9%, a group most severely feeling conflict with medical technician are doctors. 7. In analysing six factors of cause of conflict, reciprocal dependance shows high interrelation with group cohesive power(r=0.4687) and leadership(r=0.4489). Difference in goal is significant in the interrelation with personality(r=0.1052). Group cohesive power shows high interrelation with leadership(r=0.5080) and communication(r=0.3684). In the interrelation of cause of conflict with two types of conflict, vertical conflict has high relationship with reciprocal dependance(r=0.2600) and communication(r=0.2043), and horizontal conflict show high relationship with difference in goal. In the interrelation of cause of conflict with three results of conflict, in general cause of conflict appears to show high relationship with task satisfaction, and leadership(r=0.5472), group cohesive power(r=0.4261), reciprocal dependence (r=0.4363) show high relationship with it, that is statistically significant in difference. Group cohesive power(r=0.4521), reciprocal dependence(r=2929), leadership(r=0.2657) as causes of conflict influencing absorption in work show high relationship. Difference in goal(r=0.4521) and personality(r=0.1265) as causes of conflict show high relationship with idea of separation from job. In the interrelation between results of conflict, work satisfaction and absorption in work, idea of separation from job show high relationship. Methods of improvement for hospital management by above analysis are followed. A counselling organ or procedure should be open to settle conflict and the realignment of business according to a personal characteristic should be considered. And many problems and factors of conflict concealed within hospital should be removed to apply rational method of management and harmonic division of jobs between constituents.

      • 1930년대 후반 문학의 향토(鄕土) 연구

        오태영 동국대학교 2005 국내석사

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        This study aims to examine the mechanism of the creation of locality of the day, focusing on ‘local'(향토) which was symbolized in short stories in the late 1930s, and to clarify colonial intellectuals’ active will to form ‘Chosun’(조선) culture. The late 1930s was recognized by the intellectuals of the day as a period of crisis when the existing paradigm was collapsing due to the value transmission of modernism and the solidification of fascism. Facing the era of chaos, the intellectuals of the day needed logic of new self-formation. Therefore, in the situation where the positions of West and the East were overturned, which had been tied to the thought of dichotomy such as civilization and un-civilization as well as enlightenment and barbarity, and where ‘oriental features’(동양적인 것) were entitled to a new position, intellectuals tried to grope for a new paradigm of Chosun culture through the interest and study about ‘the features of Chosun’(조선적인 것). On the other hand, a new system theory(신체제론), which requires Eastern Asia to build one community by standing together with Japan at the fixed point in order to confront the imperialistic ambition of the West, came to the front as the principle of a new age. In the new system theory, which suggests a vision of building new East Asia, Chosun had to function as a model for other colonies as it was positioned as a region, which has similar Japanese features. So the interest in ‘local features’(지방적인 것) was highlighted as the locality of Chosun culture regarding the position of Chosun culture within Eastern culture was topicalized. Within the interaction with such historical situation, local in the late 1930s was symbolized in literature. In the time dimension, local reproduced circular time and the world of mythology. The intellectuals of the late 1930s felt skeptical about linear time when led colonial Chosun and shaped premodern circular time and lives within it in their works. Meanwhile, in the space dimension, local was symbolized as the country, which was the batter of the city. In this regard, the intellectuals immersed in ‘nature’, the world of poetic lyricism, or revived the memory about hometown and arose nostalgia. Local as such intellectuals’ aesthetic subject was shaped by modern intellectuals’ view. That is, the local in the late 1930s was reconstructed by intellectuals’ romantic illusion and desire or was ‘a landscape’ captured by a traveler’s view from the outside of the reality, and it was the subject of lyrical inspiration and assimilation as well as an oasis which healed an agony of the reality. It reflected the change of a symbolic system in the late 1930s: the expression based on the traditional union code was broken away due to modern media in a broad sense and ‘personal contemplation’ of a subject possible became possible. Meanwhile, the creation of locality in the 1930s was mass-produced through various spectrums within the boundary of the ruling discourse of colonization. It limited the poison of the colonial Chosun as a region drawn into Japanese dominating power and made Chosun itself to be seen as local. It positioned Chosun as a sensual and exotic region and reflected Japan’s curiosity about Chosun, and it reflected the mockery about the underdeveloped and barbaric Chosun. In other words, it was a part of process in which imperial Japan put itself on a modern and highly technologic position by regarding Chosun as primitive. The Chosun intellectuals accepted a part of the ideology of the ruling discourse and had the imperial perspective, which looked at Chosun as exotic and barbaric land as well. However, they also looked at local as a space keeping the past tradition of Chosun where a folk belief, manners and customs of a rural community, traditional singing and dancing, and folk games coexisted. That is, Chosun intellectuals of the day strategically imitated the meaning of locality within the ruling discourse and blurred the recognition of dichotomy dividing into empire and colony. It unsettled the imitative and narcissistic demand of colonial power, and it was also an overturning strategy, which returns the perspective of the discriminated to the perspective of the power. In a nutshell, imitating the meaning of locality which was derived from Japanese orientalism in the late 1930s and symbolizing local as a space which included the tradition of past Chosun was the product of effort to discard the grammar of locality within the ruling discourse and exclusively possess local and form a new Chosun culture.

      • 동아시아 지역주의와 조선 로컬리티 : 식민지 후반기 여행 텍스트를 중심으로

        오태영 동국대학교 2012 국내박사

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        This study aims to inquire into the intellectuals and literary men’s awareness of space and sense of boundary toward each region of East Asia and local of Joseon(朝鮮) and consider the process of establishment of identity through such awareness of space and sense of boundary by considering the ‘travel text’ of Korean literature in the latter half of the Japanese colonial period. In the course of the Empire Japan’s geographical expansion to the Asia-Pacific region during the latter half of the Japanese colonial period from the period of before and after the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937 to liberation in 1945, intellectuals and literary men of colonized Joseon traveled to the East Asia’s representative regions of Japan, Manchuria(滿洲), the South Seas(南洋) and the country(地方) of Joseon including local(鄕土) and ancient city(古都). While investing a new topology with respective space and place in the course of travelling, they produced knowledge and information of the places and established their own identity as the subject of such awareness and production. Change of regional order in the East Asia in the latter half of the Japanese colonial period is a sort of distortion and acculturation of regional order in the East Asia that was reorganized as the Empire-Colony structure after the modern times and a ‘critical point’ that enables us to consider the process of change of world order which is being reorganized into the cold war system at the same time. Thus, consideration on the change of topology of colonized Joseon within the regional order of the East Asia in the latter half of the Japanese colonial period is a way to identify how the change of geopolitical topology of Korea after the modern times is connected with the regional order of the East Asia as well as the change of the world system and how it is associated with the aspect of obtaining hegemony between the Empire-Colony structure and the nation-states. In the latter half of the Japanese colonial period, there appeared an active movement for overcoming critical modern times following the consciousness of crisis with the end of modern times. The Asia-Pacific War was considered an important incident in terms of world history for overcoming crisis of modern and establishing a new regional order in the East Asia named ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’(大東亞共榮圈). With the Empire Japan’s movements for geographical expansion to the East Asia after the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937, inland region such as Manchuria&#8228;China and ocean region like the Philippines&#8228;Malaysia were considered an important region. In other words, those regions were newly located with their existing images within the field of ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ centering around the Empire Japan before and after the outbreak of the Asia-Pacific War in 1941. During the ‘National Culture’(國民文化) times after the latter half of the Japanese colonial period, the locality of respective local that was considered to be considering the regionalism within the discourse of the East Asian regionalism was under active discussion. Such discussion shows an aspect of struggle for hegemony between the Empire-Colony occurring in the course of reestablishment of topology of respective local culture that were responding to the central Japanese culture. Locality of colonized Joseon was also under active discussion and there happened heterogeneous and various cracks between disputants of the Empire Japanese and colonized Joseon that were unable to be adjusted only with cooperation or resistance over discussion about locality. Discussion by the intellectuals and literary men in those days included intention to localize Joseon only as a local of the Empire Japan, assertion that Joseon is not a mere local of the Empire Japan and is able to revolutionize the Japanese culture in a specially defined location and an opinion of situating Joseon as a local of the world, not as a local of the Empire, which were all the movements for newly reestablishing the topology of colonized Joseon within the process of reorganization of regional order in the East Asia. In the latter half of the Japanese colonial period, the Empire Japan structured its topology as the center of ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’ which will be newly constructed. As an oriental pivot to confront the western imperialism, Japan’s topology and appropriateness of associativity and integration of Asian nations with Japan as the central figure was newly established within the world system and the process of change of regional order in the East Asia after 1930s. Japan in those days, as a center of the Empire, was described by being recognized anew as a nation of the emperor(天皇) and ‘the Holy Land’(聖地) of the Greater East Asia(大東亞) and the ancient city of Japan was the Holy Land of the ‘the Greater East Asia’ touching the origin of Japan’s religion·arts as an ancient city of Colony/Empire Japan and the Holy Land of ‘Intergration of Japan and Joseon’(內鮮一體) that was keeping the evidence of direct exchange with the ancient Korean peninsula at the same time. Meanwhile, ‘Intergration of Japan and Joseon’ theory in the latter half of the Japanese colonial period meaning that ‘Japan’ and ‘Joseon’ must be consolidated into one is symbolically showing the order of rank between the Japanese Empire as a center and the colonized Joseon as a local within the Empire-Colony structure. Here, spatial hierarchy of Japan/Joseon was confirming the desire for assimilation of people of the colonized Joseon and symbolically showing the Empire-Colony structure itself generating crack on the relation at the same time. No less than the reorganization of Tokyo(東京) and Geijo(京城) into the hierachized space as the center and local within the territory of the Empire Japan in the latter half of the Japanese colonial period, dynamics between Geijo as a center of the colonized Joseon and other locals was also reorganized. While the hierachized structure of spatial dynamics between each local and Geijo in the colonized Joseon and colonized cities as locals and Tokyo within the Empire Japan newly established and strengthened the image of the subject moving within the limit of Empire-Colony system, it was also demonstrating a centripetal force collecting such desire into the imperialistic order. After establishment of Manchukuo(滿洲國) in 1932, the place expanded its significance as an earth that an iron will of the people of Joseon exploiting the devastated farmland of Manchuria after overcoming hardships and adversity as well as a space of desire where the intellectuals of the colonized Joseon can exhibit themselves as the subjects of imperialism. In those days, Manchuria was an ideological of ‘Gozokukyouwa(五族協和 ; harmony between five ethnic groups of Manchuria, China, Japan, Joseon and Mongol)’, founding principle of Manchukuo that was a puppet government established by the Empire Japan and an ideal space that was propagated as a ‘Oudourakudo(王道樂土 ; Royal Heaven)’ where entire ethnic groups in the East Asia can be able to accomplish coexistence and coprosperity. However, description showing the desire and behavior of intellectuals of colonized Joseon who continuously wanted to escape from the sphere of the empire, the space of Manchuria turned out to be self-contradictorily functioning as a camp symbolized as a village of empire. At this point, an ideal space of Oudourakudo was being collapsed from within the inside. Meanwhile, modern cities of Manchuria that were newly formed by the expansion of the Empire Japan during the latter half of the Japanese colonial period were recognized as cities full of imperialistic vision and even considered to be a fantastic place dreaming of the world surpassing the boundary of empire. Of the three major cities of Manchukuo, Harbin was a place where such ideology of ethnic cooperation was maximized. As an ‘international city’ symbolized as ‘Moscow of the Orient’ or ‘Paris of the Orient’, Harbin was a sort of city space representing the internationality of entire Manchukuo. Although, intellectuals of the colonized Joseon headed to Harbin that was considered to be equipped with aspects of world city based on the yearning for western world but the fact that the ‘world’ of Harbin is already situated within the boundary of ‘empire’ is paradoxically showing that the ‘world’ they proposed was unstable and it was difficult to clear out their identity as people of colonized Joseon in such world. After the modern times, the South Seas was recognized as an object of both attraction and terror to Korean people. Until the middle of 1930s, the region of the South Seas was far from being an object of interest and research to the intellectuals and literary men of the colonized Joseon and records for looking into the awareness and figures of the South Seas remains insufficient as well. For people of the colonized Joseon after modern times, the South Seas was a sort of imaginary place that is so far away from the ‘Now-Here’ colonial reality rather than a place to live or travel and interest and research about the region of the South Seas became possible only in the latter half of the Japanese colonial period in earnest. After outbreak of the Asia-Pacific War, ‘region of everlasting summer’(常夏의 땅) the South Seas amplified yearning and curiosity for the unknown world and stimulated an exotic atmosphere toward an unfamiliar and alien space and became an object of geopolitical recognition as an important region in the aspects of politics, economy and military as it was embraced as a region of ‘the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere’. It was possible within the phenomena of the times that is worthy to call as ‘rediscovery of the South Seas’ such as production of discourse system and flood of various images regarding the South Seas in late 1930s. Centering around the South Seas, it was possible to reorganize both oriental and western geopolitical topology from the Atlantic to the Pacific and colonized Joseon newly emerged as an imaginary place within the Orient. Beyond the limited&#8228;closed awareness of space and sense of boundary toward Joseon as a local within the empire or ‘colonized Joseon’, that was a thing enabling the awareness of space and sense of boundary for newly situating Joseon in the Orient and in the world. Topology of Joseon as a local of empire in the latter half of the Japanese colonial period and as a place turning into a local within the Empire-Colony structure was established through the process that Joseon was newly discovered and recognized anew by the mobile subject in the course of reorganization of regional order in the East Asia by the geographical expansion of empire. At the moment, Joseon, getting out of the existing regional order in the East Asia which was structured centering around China before modern times, was newly granted its topology within the regional order of the East Asia which was newly constructed by the Empire Japan. In other words, Joseon was strengthening its topology as a local of the Empire Japan, not as a nation constituting an outdated Asian regionalism of Chinese character culture and tributary system. In those days, literary works that recognized and described the country of Joseon as a local were also produced in quantity. The result was possible because the way that newly recognized the colonized Joseon through discourse of locality aimed at the respective the country in Joseon. In this way, ‘local’(鄕土) emerged as a space of locality in the literary works produced in the latter half of the Japanese colonial period when the culture of Joseon was newly recognized based on the locality of the country in Joseon. During the latter half of the Japanese colonial period, local was described and presented in the literary works as restructured thing by the romantic fantasy and desire of the intellectuals, a ‘landscape’ captured by the tourist gaze or appeared as an object of lyrical inspiration and assimilation or a resting place curing pains in reality, which means that local was newly crated as an object of individual contemplation of the intellectuals in modern times. Also, local used to be described as place where traditional culture of Joseon lives and breathes, a place where seasonal customs of farm village, folk belief including shamanism and traditional dance and folk games coexist. In short, local was positively utilized as a space for modern intellectuals in the latter half of the Japanese colonial period to establish their own identity and secure the locality of Joseon culture. Meanwhile, interest and research about ‘the Joseon’(조선적인 것) became active within the chain of Empire Japan and colonized Joseon in the latter half of the Japanese colonial period. Interest and research fever about ‘the Joseon’ were expressed in a variety of ways and notable phenomenon was that outcomes of new recognition and symbols of Joseon’s ancient cities ‘Pyeongyang’(平壤), ‘Gyeongju’(慶州) and ‘Buyeo’(夫餘) were produced, consumed and distributed through various media. Of an ancient cities, Pyeongyang was recognized as a ruin that was being changed by the colonial power, which is clearly showing the Joseon tourist gaze recognizing the ancient city of Pyeongyang through nostalgic idea of time. And Gyeongju was situated and repositioned by the eyes of men of the colonized Joseon not only as the ancient city rediscovered through the beauty of Joseon treasuring the sublime but as a space of femininity regarding such beauty of Joseon. As a land of forgotten ruin, Buyeo was newly recognized and symbolized by the Buyeo Shrine(扶餘神宮) Construction Corporation in the early 1940s and the place started to newly grow as the Holy Land for ‘Intergration of Japan and Joseon’ by the Buyeo Shrine Construction Corporation. In this way, unlike discovering the beauty of Joseon through ‘ruin’ and ‘grief’ by travelling to the ancient cities of the colonized Joseon, ancient city used to be repositioned as a cultural contact-zone through the desire and of Japanese and people of colonized Joseon and revelation of their desire equating ancient city of Joseon with a place of living and showing affinity. 本稿の目的は植民地後半期における韓&#22269;文&#23398;の&#65378;旅行テクスト&#65379;を&#26908;討することを通じて、近代韓&#22269;の知識人や文&#23398;者たちの、東アジアの各地域と朝鮮の地方に&#23550;する空間認識と境界感&#35226;を明らかにし、そのような空間認識と境界感&#35226;を通してなされたアイデンティティの構築過程を考察するところにある。1937年の中日&#25126;&#20105;勃&#30330;を前後にした時期から1945年の解放までの植民地後半期、帝&#22269;日本のアジア-太平洋&#22287;域への地理的膨張過程の中で植民地朝鮮の知識人、文&#23398;者たちは東アジアの代表的な地域である日本、&#28288;洲、南洋と朝鮮&#20869;の各地方、&#37111;土、古都などを旅行したが、そういう過程の中でそれぞれの空間と場所を新しく認識して位相を&#19982;えると共に、そこに&#23550;する知識と情報を生産したし、そのような認識と生産主&#20307;として自分のアイデンティティを構築していった。植民地後半期における東アジア地域秩序の&#22793;動は、一方では近代以後、帝&#22269;-植民地&#20307;制で再編された東アジア地域秩序の屈折と&#22793;容でありながら、もう一方ではその後、冷&#25126;&#20307;制へと再び再編される世界秩序の&#22793;化過程が考察できる&#65378;臨界点&#65379;である。&#24467;って、植民地後半期における東アジア地域秩序&#20869;での植民地朝鮮の位相&#22793;動に&#23550;する考察は、近代以後、韓&#22269;の地政&#23398;的位相の&#22793;動が東アジア地域秩序、ひいては世界&#20307;制の&#22793;化といかなる&#38306;連を結んでいるかを確認すると同時に、それが帝&#22269;-植民地&#20307;制と民族&#22269;家との間におけるヘゲモニ&#12540;獲得の&#27096;相とどのように結びついているかを確認することである。 植民地後半期、近代の終焉という危機意識に&#32154;き危機の近代を克服しようとする積極的な動きが現れてきた。この際、アジア-太平洋&#25126;&#20105;は危機の近代を克服して、大東&#20124;共&#26628;&#22287;という新しい東アジア地域秩序の構築のための世界史的な事件として見なされた。1937年の中日&#25126;&#20105;勃&#30330;以後、帝&#22269;日本の東アジアへの地理的膨張の動きの中で&#28288;州&#8228;中&#22269;などの大陸地域とフィリピン&#8228;マレ&#12540;シアなどの海洋地域は、重要な地域として認識された。すなわち、1941年のアジア-太平洋&#25126;&#20105;の勃&#30330;前後、これらの地域は&#26082;存のイメ&#12540;ジとともに帝&#22269;日本を頂点とする大東&#20124;共&#26628;&#22287;論の磁場の中で新たに位置づけられたのである。植民地後半期以後、&#65378;&#22269;民文化&#65379;の時期には東アジア地域主義の談論の磁場の中で、そのような地域主義を構成すると見なされる各地方のロ&#12540;カリティ&#12540;に&#23550;する議論が活&#30330;に起こる。このような議論は日本文化を中央にして、それに&#23550;&#24540;するそれぞれの地方文化の地位を再確立する中で&#30330;生する帝&#22269;-植民地との間のヘゲモニ&#12540;&#38360;&#20105;の一つの局面を示している。植民地朝鮮のロ&#12540;カリティ&#12540;と&#38306;連してもこのような議論は活&#30330;になされたが、植民地後半期における朝鮮文化のロ&#12540;カリティ&#12540;議論を巡って帝&#22269;日本の論者たちと植民地朝鮮の論者たちとの間には、&#21336;に協力と抵抗では收斂されない異質的で多&#27096;な&#20096;裂の地点が&#30330;生した。帝&#22269;の一つの地方として朝鮮を位置づけようとしたり、朝鮮が&#21336;なる帝&#22269;の一つの地方ではなく、特殊な位置から日本文化を&#22793;革させることができるといった議論、そして帝&#22269;の地方に限定しないで世界の地方として朝鮮を位置づけるなど、&#24403;時の知識人、文&#23398;者たちの議論はすべて東アジア地域秩序の再編過程の中で植民地朝鮮の位相を新しく再確立するための動きだったのだ。 植民地後半期の帝&#22269;日本は新しく建設される大東&#20124;共&#26628;&#22287;の中央としてその位相を構築していった。西洋帝&#22269;主義の勢力に&#23550;抗する東洋の求心点としての日本の位相と、そういう日本を中心にしたアジア諸&#22269;の連&#24111;と統合の正&#24403;性は、1930年代以後、世界&#20307;制と東アジア地域秩序の&#22793;動過程の中で新しく構築されたものである。&#24403;時、帝&#22269;の中央である日本は天皇の&#22269;、大東&#20124;の&#65378;聖地&#65379;として再認識されて&#21465;事化したが、日本の古都は植民地/帝&#22269;日本の古都として日本の宗&#25945;&#8228;芸術の起源と&#35302;れ合った&#65378;大東&#20124;&#65379;の聖地でありながら、同時に古代の朝鮮半島と直接的な交流の&#35388;&#25312;を保存している&#65378;&#20869;鮮一&#20307;&#65379;の聖地でもあった。一方、植民地後半期、&#65378;&#20869;地&#65379;と&#65378;朝鮮&#65379;とが一&#20307;となるべきだという&#20869;鮮一&#20307;論は、帝&#22269;-植民地&#20307;制&#20869;における中央としての帝&#22269;日本と地方としての植民地朝鮮との間の位階化した&#38306;係を象&#24500;的に表わす。この際、內/鮮の空間位階化は植民地朝鮮人たちの同化への欲望を追認すると同時に、それに&#20096;裂を生じさせる帝&#22269;-植民地&#20307;制そのものを象&#24500;的に示す。植民地後半期、東京と京城が帝&#22269;の&#22287;域&#20869;における中央と地方という位階化した空間として再編されることに劣らず、植民地朝鮮の中央としての京城と各地方との間の力&#23398;&#38306;係もまた再編された。植民地朝鮮の各地方と京城、それから帝&#22269;の各地方としての植民地都市と東京の位階化した空間の力&#23398;構造は、帝&#22269;-植民地&#20307;制&#20869;で移動する主&#20307;の上京の心象地理を新しく構築して&#24375;化する一方、そのような欲望を帝&#22269;的秩序の&#20869;部へと回&#21454;する求心力を&#30330;揮していた。 1932年の&#28288;州&#22269;建&#22269;以後、そこは苦難と逆境を克服して荒&#24259;した&#28288;州(まんしゅう)の農地を開拓する朝鮮人の不屈の意志が&#36796;められている大地でありながら、同時に植民地朝鮮の知識人が帝&#22269;的主&#20307;として自分が&#38997;示できる欲望の空間としてその意味が&#25313;張された。そしてこの際、&#28288;州は帝&#22269;日本によって成立した傀儡政府の&#28288;州&#22269;の建&#22269;理念である&#65378;五族協和&#65379;のイデオロギ&#12540;空間でありながら、東アジアの諸民族が共存&#8228;共&#26628;できると宣&#20253;された&#65378;王道&#27005;土&#65379;の理想空間であった。だが、絶えず帝&#22269;の&#22287;域から&#33073;走しようとする植民地朝鮮の知識人たちの欲望と行&#28858;を描いた&#21465;事を通して、集&#22243;部落として象&#24500;される帝&#22269;の&#21454;容所としての&#28288;州という空間が自己矛盾的に機能していたことがわかる。そしてこの地点で&#65378;王道&#27005;土&#65379;の理想空間はその&#20869;部から崩&#22730;されつつあったのである。一方で植民地後半期の帝&#22269;の&#25313;張によって新しく形成された&#28288;州の近代都市は、帝&#22269;的ビジョンが充&#28288;した都市として認識されたし、そこは帝&#22269;の境界を越えて世界を夢見させる幻想の空間として見なされたりもした。ハルビンは&#28288;州&#22269;の3大都市の中、このような民族協和イデオロギ&#12540;が最も&#25313;張された空間だった。ハルビンは&#65378;東洋のモスクワ&#65379;、あるいは&#65378;東洋のパリ&#65379;で象&#24500;される&#65378;&#22269;際都市&#65379;として&#28288;州&#22269;全&#20307;の&#22269;際性を表象する都市空間であったわけである。ところが、植民地朝鮮の知識人たちは西&#27431;世界に&#23550;する憧憬を基に、世界都市の面貌を備えていたと見なされたハルビンへ向かったが、ハルビンという&#65378;世界&#65379;がすでに&#65378;帝&#22269;&#65379;の境界の&#20869;に位置していたという点は、彼らが想定した&#65378;世界&#65379;が不安定だということ、そしてそのような世界の中で植民地朝鮮人というアイデンティティを&#33073;却することは至難であるということを逆&#35500;的に物語る。 近代以後、韓&#22269;人にとって南洋(なんよう)は魅惑と恐怖といった兩價的な&#23550;象として認識された。1930年代の半ばまで植民地朝鮮の知識人、文&#23398;者たちにとって南洋地域は、まだ本格的な&#38306;心と探求の&#23550;象とならなかっただけでなく、南洋地域に&#23550;する認識と表象が窺える記&#37682;もまた、微&#12293;たるものであった。近代以後、植民地朝鮮人にとって南洋は&#23455;際の移住地や旅行地であるというよりは、&#65378;今-ここ&#65379;の植民地的現&#23455;とは懸け離れている想像の場所であったわけで、南洋地域に&#23550;する本格的な&#38306;心と探求は植民地後半期に至ってこそ可能となった。アジア-太平洋&#25126;&#20105;の勃&#30330;前後、&#65378;常夏の地&#65379;の南洋は植民地朝鮮の知識人たちに未知の世界に&#23550;する憧憬と好奇心を&#22679;幅させながら見慣れなくて異質な空間に&#23550;するエキゾチズ&#21430;を刺激すると共に、大東&#20124;共&#26628;&#22287;の一つの地域として包&#25666;されながら政治&#8228;&#32076;&#28168;&#8228;軍事上の重要な地域という地政&#23398;的認識の&#23550;象になった。このことは1930年代後半以後、南洋に&#38306;する談論&#20307;系の生産、各種のイメ&#12540;ジの氾濫など、&#65378;南洋の再&#30330;見&#65379;と呼べそうな時代的現象の中で可能なことであった。南洋という地域を中心に、大西洋から太平洋を中心にして東洋と西洋の地政&#23398;的位相を再編し、そのような東洋の中で植民地朝鮮を新しく想像的に位置付けることができたのだ。それは帝&#22269;&#20869;の一つの地方としての朝鮮、&#65378;植民地朝鮮&#65379;という制限的&#8228;閉鎖的空間感&#35226;と境界認識を越えて、朝鮮を東洋、世界の中に新しく位置づけさせる空間認識と境界感&#35226;を可能とたらしめることであった。 植民地後半期、帝&#22269;の地方としての朝鮮、帝&#22269;-植民地&#20307;制&#20869;で&#37111;土化していく朝鮮の位相は、帝&#22269;の地理的&#25313;張による東アジアの地域秩序の再編の中で移動する主&#20307;によって朝鮮が新しく&#30330;見され再認識される過程を通じて規定される。この際、朝鮮は近代以前の、中&#22269;を中心にした東アジア地域秩序から&#25244;け出て、帝&#22269;日本によって新しく建設されていた東アジア地域秩序の中で新たにその位相を&#19982;えられた。すなわち、漢字文化&#22287;と朝貢&#20307;制の前近代的なアジア地域主義を構成する&#22269;家ではなく、帝&#22269;日本の地方として自分の位相を&#24375;固にしていっていたのである。&#24403;時、朝鮮の各地方を&#37111;土として認識して表象した文&#23398;作品もまた、&#25968;多く生産された。このことはロ&#12540;カリティ&#12540;談論&#20307;系を通じて植民地朝鮮を新しく認識した方式が朝鮮&#20869;の各地方をその&#23550;象とした結果であった。このように朝鮮&#20869;の各地方のロ&#12540;カリティ&#12540;を基に朝鮮文化を新しく認識した植民地後半期の文&#23398;作品においてそういうロ&#12540;カリティ&#12540;の空間として&#65378;&#37111;土&#65379;が浮上することになる。植民地後半期における&#37111;土は知識人のロマンチックな幻想と欲望によって再構成されたものであったり、現&#23455;の外部で旅行者の視線に捉えられた&#65378;風景&#65379;として描かれたし、&#21465;情的な感興と同化の&#23550;象として現れたり、現&#23455;の苦痛を治癒してくれる慰安&#20966;として文&#23398;作品の中で表象された。すなわち、&#37111;土は近代知識人の個人的&#35251;照の&#23550;象として新しく作られたのである。また、&#37111;土は農村の&#27507;時風俗、巫俗を含んだ民間信仰、&#20253;統的な歌舞と民俗遊びが共存する、朝鮮の&#20253;統文化が息づいている空間として描かれたりもした。要するに&#37111;土は植民地後半期の近代知識人にとって自分のアイデンティティを再確立し、朝鮮文化のロ&#12540;カリティ&#12540;を確保するための空間として積極的に活用されたのだ。 一方、植民地後半期、帝&#22269;日本と植民地朝鮮との連環の中で&#65378;朝鮮的なもの&#65379;に&#23550;する&#38306;心と探求が活&#27671;を&#24111;びた。&#65378;朝鮮的なもの&#65379;に&#23550;する&#38306;心と探求の熱&#27671;は多&#27096;な方式で表出されたが、その中で目につく現象は朝鮮の古都である&#65378;平&#22732;&#65379;(ピョンヤン)、&#65378;慶州&#65379;(キョンジュ)、&#65378;夫餘&#65379;(フヨ)に&#23550;する新しい認識と表象の結果物が各種のメディアを通じて生産、消費、流通したという点である。平&#22732;は植民&#27177;力によって&#22793;動している&#24259;&#34394;として認識されたが、これはノスタルジア的時間&#35251;念を通じて古都平&#22732;を認識する被植民の朝鮮人旅行者の視線を如&#23455;に見せてくれるものであった。そして慶州は崇高さを保存した朝鮮美を通じて再&#30330;見された古都として位置づけられただけでなく、そういう朝鮮美と&#38306;わった女性性の空間として植民地朝鮮人男性の視線によって再場所化した。忘れられた&#24259;&#34394;の地として夫餘は1940年代初期の夫餘神宮の造營工事を通じて新しく古都として認識され表象されたし、そこは夫餘神宮の造&#21942;を通じて、&#20869;鮮一&#20307;の聖地として新しく位置づけられ始めた。このように植民地朝鮮の古都への旅行を通して&#65378;&#24259;&#34394;&#65379;と&#65378;悲哀&#65379;の感&#35226;をもって朝鮮美を&#30330;見したこととは違って、朝鮮の古都を生の場所として同一視しながら、そこに愛着を示す帝&#22269;の日本人と植民地朝鮮人の欲望、それから彼らの欲望の&#30330;現を通じて文化の接境地&#24111;として古都が再場所化したりもした。

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