철학부(哲學部) : 선진(先秦)시기 유지(有指)와 무지(無指)의 논전 - 공손룡자(公孫龍子) 지물론(指物論)을 중심으로 -

염정삼 ( Jungsam Yum ) 한국중국학회 2015 中國學報 Vol.71 No.-

The objective of this research is to investigate ancient china’s language theory, ‘Mingxue名學, study on Names’, based on the interpretation of Gongsunlongzi公孫龍子``s linguistic theory. Among relevant studies of Mingxue, Gongsunlongzi is the document that has been most frequently cited in explaining western conceptual theory. Although this idea, that the western logical structure has a certain universality that transcends west and east, is highly debatable, the basic stance of this research is that in order to accurately comprehend Gongsunlongzi, a representative figure among the Mingjias名家of the Xianqin先秦 era, it needs to be done through own understanding of the linguistic structure and expressions of ancient Chinese, as well as the context of Gongsunlongzi. Based on documents of the Xianqin era, the figure that established the theory of zhengming正名can be easily concluded to have been Kongzi孔子. This paper focuses on the influence this zhengming theory would have had on Gongsunlongzi. Therefore this research accommodates in accordance with Hanshu漢書 Yiwenzhi藝文志’s perspective regarding Gonsunlongzi. In other words, it does not exclude the possibility of Mingjias, including Gongsunlongzi, of having been members of the bureaucracy that specialized in Li禮. Particularly in Gongsunlongzi’s Mingshilun名實論(Theory of Names and Things), there are evidences to have theoretically succeeded Kongzi in terms of Li. Therefore we may assume that Gongsunlongzi has never denied the relations of Ming名(name) and Wei位(status). In particular, regarding Gonsunlongzi has refused liangming兩明(disorder) between king and officer君臣, we rather see a close resemblance with Kongzi’s Mingfen名分theory (theory of moral obligations on names). However, the two also show a clear difference: while Kongzi’s Theory of Zhengming is an affirmative approach requiring the father to behave ‘like a father’, Gongsunlongzi’s Mingshilun is a negative approach stating the father, fu父can only be revealed by clarifying the process of establishing feifu非父, ‘what is not father-like’. According to Mingshilun, zhengwei正位(rectification of status) and the strict differentiation of bi彼and feibi非彼can be the bases to mark the beginning of zhengming. Therefore Gongsunlongzi’s Zhiwulun指物論, ‘Theory of pointing things’ was a work that further developed the theory of Mingshilun.

論理(Logic)'라는 개념어의 형성 : 중국에서의 활용 사례를 고찰하며

염정삼(Yum Jung-sam) 인제대학교 인간환경미래연구원 2009 인간 · 환경 · 미래 Vol.- No.3

19세기 서구 문명의 유입과 그것과의 충돌 속에서 중국 및 일본의 지식인들은 서구 문명의 정체성에 해당하는 것을 규정하려고 하였으며 서구 사상을 주요하게 떠받치고 있는 개념은 바로 ‘logos’, ‘logic’ 등일 것이라고 생각했다. 중국을 중심으로 한 문명권에서 발달하지 못했다고 여겨지는 이 분야의 개념과 학문을 이해하고 소개하려고 하였을 때, 이들 동아시아의 근대 지식인들이 곧바로 개념 번역의 문제에 부딪혔을 것임은 자명하다. 우선 과연 ‘logic’에 해당하는 것이 중국의 전통시기에 있었는가를 물어야 했다. 그러나 특히 문어, 혹은 서면어가 구두어보다 훨씬 발달했던 중국과 같은 문명권에서는 ‘말로 이치를 따짐’, ‘논증함’, ‘앞뒤로 이치를 맞춰 정연하게 말하는 방법’ 자체가 생소한 것일 수밖에 없었다. 서양의 ‘logic’에 해당하는 말을 찾기 위하여 알레니(Giulio Aleni, 艾儒略; 1582-1649)의 음차번역어 ‘落日加(lourijia)’에서 이지조(李之藻, Lizhizao; 1565-1629)의 ‘명리(mingli名理)’, 그리고 청말 근대에 이르는 시기의 번역어 변학(bianxue辨學), 명학(mingxue名學), 논리(lnuli論理), 루오지(luoji邏輯)에 이르기까지 다양한 실험과 예시를 일별하면서 던져지는 문제는 다음과 같은 것이다. 서구 ‘logic’이라는 말 그 자체가 다양한 함의를 포함하고 있는 것은 차치하고, 그것을 받아들였던 중국의 경우 어떤 이해와 해석의 틀, 혹은 동기와 사회적 배경이 작용하였는지 간단하지 않다는 점이다. 예컨대 명대 말엽의 예수회 선교사와 카톨릭으로 개종했던 소수의 중국학자들의 경우 서양의 학문을 선교를 위해서 도입하고 번역하려는 동기가 강하게 작동하고 있었다. 반면에 아편전쟁 이후 서구와의 충돌과 패배 이후 중국의 전통을 반성하고 그들의 과학과 기술, 그리고 문화를 배워서 그것을 극복한다는 ‘지피지기(知彼知己)’의 전략을 세웠던 중국 근대 지식인들의 경우에는 그것은 단순한 배움의 대상이 아니라 바로 극복의 대상이기도 했다. 그 대표적인 예가 바로 양계초(梁啓超, Liangqichao; 1873-1929), 호적(胡適, Hushi; 1891-1962) 등에게서 드러나는 《묵자(墨子Mozi)》 해석일 것이다. 본고는 ‘logic, 論理’에 해당하는 개념어를 중심으로 17-18세기 중국에서의 동서 교류의 사정을 살펴보고 19세기 근대 지식인의 번역과 그 용어의 활용을 고찰해 보려고 하였다. 이것은 우리에게는 부재했던 어떤 개념어가 어떻게 수용되고 정착되었는가를 살펴보는 일임과 동시에, 최초의 번역 시도들을 살펴봄으로써 우리가 이해하고 있는 우리 안의 ‘논리’가 결국 무엇인지를 밝히는 데 일조하는 일이 될 것으로 기대된다.

점복(占卜)과 제사(祭祀)에 관한 문자 연구

염정삼(JungSam YUM) 서강대학교 인문과학연구소 2009 서강인문논총 Vol.0 No.26

이 글을 쓰는 목적은 제사 의례에 관한 문자들을 살펴봄으로써 중국의 역사속에서 성과 속이 일치하는 연속적 경험으로서의 종교적 특질의 단면을 규명하고자 하는 것이다. 기본적으로는 『설문해자(說文解字)』의 ‘복(卜)’ 부와 ‘시(示)’ 부의 글자를 중심으로 살펴볼 것이며, 구체적으로는 제사를 통한 조상 숭배의 문화와 자연신 숭배의 문화가 문자에 어떻게 담겨 있는지 연구하고, 또한 복록(福祿)에 대한 개념을 표상하는 문자와 금기(禁忌)에 대한 관념이 표상된 문자를 살펴 볼 것이다. 은허(殷墟)에서 발견된 갑골(甲骨)에는 점을 친 내용과 점의 결과를 새겨 넣은 복사(卜辭)가 담겨져 있다. 은(殷)은 극히 제사 의식이 극성했던 국가였으며 제사의 중요한 대상이 되었던 것은 ‘상제(上帝)’를 포함한 조상신이었다. 이러한 문화가 주(周)왕조가 성립하면서 ‘상제’를 대신하여 ‘천(天)’의 관념이 성립되고 천(天)을 제사지내는 교제(郊祭) 및 종묘사직의 제사로 변형 계승되었다. 이 전통은 진한(奏漢) 제국이 출현한 이후에도 국가의 통치제도로서 자리를 잡았다. 시황제(始皇帝)와 한무제(漢武帝)의 봉선제(封禪祭)는 그 대표적인 사례를 보여준다. 이러한 역사적 경험과 전통이 다시 유가(儒家)의 예(禮) 관념의 형성에 중요한 영향을 끼쳤을 것이다. The paper examines characters related to fortune-telling and rituals in order to investigate how china' s religious characteristics were interpreted in different eras and expressed in scripts. To that end, the study focuses on scripts that belong to the "bu(卜)" radical and "shi(示) radical." More specifically, the study investigated how the culture of worshiping ancestors and natural gods using rituals to offer sacrifices to them is reflected in scripts, while examining characters representing the concept of "fulu(福祿, inborn fortune) and the perception of taboo, jinji(禁忌), in order to determine how these representations have influenced the conceptual formation of li (禮). Jiaguwen(甲骨文) discovered during the Shang(商) Dynasty have incidents of fortune-telling and the resulting fortunes are engraved. Shang was an extremely religious nation, and the religious culture of the Shang Dynasty is shown in rituals performed at graves and the royal sanctuary. The main target of these rituals was Shangdi(上帝). With the arrival of the Zhou(周) Dynasty, such a culture served as a foundation for the tian(天, sky) notion, which replaced Shangdi, and the rituals evolved into offers of sacrifice to the sky or ceremonies for royal ancestors. Although the religious elements of rituals of the Shang Dynasty were lost to a great degree, this tradition was established as the nation's governing regime even after the Qin(秦) Han(漢) Dynasty came into being. The fengchan(封禪) rituals of the Shihuangdi(始皇帝) and Hanwudi(漢武帝) are representative of such a characteristic. It is needless to say that such religious traditions became a main pillar of the li concept of Confucianism.

기획논문 : 중국의 서학, 유럽의 중국학 ; 서양의 기억술과 중국문자의 상형성 -『서국기법』 (西國記法)의 작상론(作象論)-

염정삼 ( Jung Sam Yum ) 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2012 人文論叢 Vol.67 No.-

Matteo Ricci(1552∼1610: 利馬竇(Limadou)) was a pioneer in formu- lating the Jesuit missionary approach to China in the 16th century. His attitude toward Chinese culture was relatively balanced between praise and criticism. Ricci began his discussion of Chinese culture by stating that educated Chinese stressed the written language far more than the spoken language. He noted that even friends living close together in the same city would communicate by writing rather than by meeting and talking. Ricci stated that the Jesuits had concentrated on learning guan-hua(官話) (literally, official`s language) of which the term mandarin, which means both the officials and official language, is a fairly close equivalent. Xiguojifa(西國記法) was written by Ricci, who had much interest in learning Chinese written language, and was published by Zhudinghan(朱 鼎澣) after Ricci`s death. This book demonstrates not only a Western scholar`s effort to understand the Chinese characters, but the way how to memorize the words and things. So the book was titled as an Art of Memory(記法) in Western Countries(西國), Xiguojifa. When Ricci showed his ability of memorizing the Chinese characters forwards and backwards in front of the Chinese scholars, he was asked to teach Luwangai(陸萬해)`s son the art of memory to make him pass the exam for government official. Ricci wanted to show off his memory and Western traditional art of memory, so he decided to write this book. Xiguojifa consists of six chapters, Yuanbenpian(原本篇), Mingyongpian(明用篇), Sheweipian(設位篇), Lixiangpian(立象篇), Dingshipian(定識篇), Guangzipian(廣資篇). His ultimate goal is to demonstrate the efficient way to memorize things and words, which have been transmitted in Western tradition. An immense weight of history in Western tradition presses on the memory section of Ad Herennium. The Ad Herennum was a well known and much used text in the Middle Ages when it had a special prestige because it was thought to be written by Cicero. Art of memory in the Western tradition must refer back constantly to this text as the main source of the tradition. Every Ars memorativa treatise, with its rules for ``places``, its rules for ``images``, its discussion of ``memory for things`` and ``memory for words``, is repeating the plan, the subject matter, and as often as not, the actual words of Ad Herennium. And the astonishing develop- ments of the art of memory in the sixteenth century still preserve the ``Ad Herennium`` outlines below all their complex accretions. The artificial me- mory is established from places and images[Constat igitur artificiosa memoria ex locis et imaginibus]. In Xiguojifa, Ricci also introduced the art of memory based on ``Ad Herennium`` outlines. Through the images of words, he tried to explain that Chinese characters can be memorized. He thought if we make use of the icons of characters, we can understand easily how to know the meaning of characters. A sign of signification in Ricci was his remark about the written Chinese as the images of the words. He stated: "This method of writing by drawing symbols instead of forming letters gives rise to a distinct mode of expression by which one is able, not only with a few phrases but with a few words, to set forth ideas with great clearness, which in our writing would have to be expressed in roundabout circumlocutions and perhaps with far less clarity". From the above description, we can judge that Ricci had an understanding of Chinese language which had on the whole a deep and solid basis. When European culture encountered that of China in the 16th and 17th centuries, Jesuits were willing to accept the Chinese culture and tradition. This book can help us to comprehend Jesuit accommodative ideas of Chinese characters at a very early stage of their activity in China.

묵가의 ‘류(類)’를 이해하기 위한 소고(小考) ―〈대취〉 〈소취〉편의 독해를 기반으로

염정삼 ( Yum Jungsam ) 한국중국어문학회 2018 中國文學 Vol.94 No.-

본고는 묵가들이 사용한 類의 의미를 이해하기 위하여 작성된 것이다. 묵가는 兼愛와 尙同의 기본 목표를 설정하고, 그것을 사람들에게 설득하기 위하여 말하는 방법을 다듬었다. 그 것이 《묵자》의 〈대취〉와 〈소취〉편에 정리되어 전해진다. 특히 〈대취〉편은 ‘相愛’와 ‘相利’의 이상을 어떻게 실현할 것인지에 대해 구체적인 방법을 제시하는 한편, 그것을 어떻게 언어로 설명하여 드러낼지 제시하였다. 묵가가 주장하는 愛와 利를 올바로 실현하는 방법론은 ‘權’과 ‘求’로 제시되었으며, 언어를 사용하는 ‘辯’의 방법론은 ‘故, 理, 類’로 제시되었다. 이때 묵가가 필요로 했던 것이 바로 ‘類’였다. 본고는 〈대취〉, 〈소취〉편에 활용되고 있는 ‘類’의 의미를 분석하여, 묵가의 언어론에서 활용된 ‘類’의 특성을 분명히 밝히고자 한다. The objective of this paper is to investigate the concept of lei類 in Mohist linguistic theory. Mohist established the core doctrines of ‘Universal love兼愛’ and ‘Exalting Unity尙同’, through which they tried to persuade people to make a well-ordered and peaceful society. In order to demonstrate the ideal world, they made the logic of explaining, speaking and persuading of their doctrines. In the chapter of Daqu大取 and Xiaoqu小取, there are a lot of contents which which explains the way of dialectic related with the main doctrines such as Universal love and Exalting unity. This paper, in particular, focuses on the usage and meaning of lei類. Mohist were eager to make distinction of the same同 and the difference異. Through the process they were able to clarify the concept of lei類 and to explain the definition of persuasion說. I insist that we should remember Mohist logic is much different with that of Confucius in terms of making use of lei類 in that perspective.

어문학부(語文學部) : 명대(明代) 말기 중국(中國)의 서양학문 수용 -『서학범(西學凡)』과 『명리탐(名理探)』의 소개를 중심으로-

염정삼 ( Jung Sam Yum ) 한국중국학회 2011 중국학보 Vol.63 No.-

In addition to pastoral activities, Jesuits were involved in the publication of books. In fact they actively promoted an "apostolate through books"(Apostolat der Presse). As a result, the apostolate through books became one of the major means of spreading Christianity among the elite. The numerous writings made Christian doctrine and Western sciences known to a large public. Chinese scholars entered into contact with the first Jesuits who to a large extent initiated the apostolate through books. Matteo Ricci translated mathematical and astronomical writings with the help of Chinese scholars, especially Xu Guangxi and Li Zhizao. A first initiative stimulating the translation of scientific works into Chinese was the calendar reform project of the 1630s. A rather ambitious project was the effort of the Jesuits to introduce Aristotelian philosophy in China. In this case, the initiative was mainly taken by Jesuits themselves, who, by emphasizing Aristotelianism, attempted to reproduce what was the basis of their own education. In early period, Giulio Aleni(艾儒略: 1582-1649) attempted to introduce the European education system, which had been made in colleges for Jesuit scholastics. Proceeding the translations of western science book into Chinese, they were convinced that a good knowledge of this philosophy, including its stress on logic and dialectics, was required for understanding Western thought and sciences. Aleni`s Xixuefan 西學凡(Summary of Western Learning, 1623). describes the curriculum of European universities based on the document of Ratio Studiorum. Philosophy, the author explains, is one of the six subjects taught, the others being rhetoric, medicine, law, canon law, and theology. Philosophy is in turn divided into five fields: logic, physics, metaphysics, mathematics, and ethics. Francisco Furtado collaborated with Li Zhizao took the well-known Coimbra commentaries (Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis SJ, 1592-1606) on Aristotelian philosophy as his primary source and translated into Chinese, named Minglitan 名理探.

‘文’ 개념을 통해 본 중국적 수사의 특성

염정삼(JungSam YUM) 한국수사학회 2009 수사학 Vol.0 No.11

논문 : 고(古)-금(今)서체의 단절과 계승에서 본 전서(篆書)의 의미

염정삼 ( Jung Sam Yum ) 중국어문학회 2013 中國語文學誌 Vol.45 No.-

This paper aims to explain how the orthodoxy of zhuanshu 篆書 has been established and reassured. Zhuanshu had become a standard writing style with the tremendous contribution by Lisi李斯 in Qin秦 dynasty and Xushen許愼 in Han 漢 dynasty, who leveraged zhuanshu to unify various character writings and styles that were used in Zhanguo戰國 period. While competing with lishu隷書 and kaishu楷書 that were fairly popular in Han dynasty, zhuanshu gained the sovereignty over other styles and maintained its prestigious status for a long time - from the traditional period till Tangsong唐宋 dynasties. Even in Qing淸 dynasty zhuanshu regained the power in character meaning research and calligraphy. I propose three main reasons why zhuanshu had reigned for such a long time. First in historical and political point, second scholastic and academic point, and third artistic and esthetic point, it is the strength of zhuanshu to be able to succeed the previous styles and also connect to new ones so as to survive for a long period.

漢字 形象의 의미론적 연관 구조에 관하여 : 部首字를 중심으로

염정삼(Yum Jung Sam) 韓國中語中文學會 2004 中語中文學 Vol.35 No.-

‘명리(名理)’의 ‘명(名)’과 중국선진시기 ‘명가(名家)’의 ‘명(名)’

염정삼 ( Yum Jung-sam ) 한국중국어문학회 2018 中國文學 Vol.95 No.-

본고는 유럽과 중국 문명 간의 조우와 이해 및 소통의 과정을 언어와 논리의 측면에서 조망해보고자 하는 목적을 가지고 작성되었다. 본고는 다음의 단계를 거치며 그것을 설명하고자 한다. 우선 17세기 유럽과 중국이 각각 변화하고 있던 역사적 환경 아래에서 서로 다른 이해의 시각을 가지고 다면적으로 만났던 시기에, 아리스토텔레스의 논리학 저서가 《명리탐(名理探)》이라는 이름으로 번역되는 배경과 실례를 살펴보고 그 이후의 논리학 관련 번역용어들과 대조하여, 서로의 차이가 분명하게 부각되지 못하는 한계를 확인할 것이다. 그리고 두번째로는 《명리탐》의 근간이 되었던 아리스토텔레스 논리가 당시 플라톤의 사상에서 다룬 언어의 문제를 어떻게 계승하여 범주의 논의를 전개시켰는지 고찰해 볼 것이다. 마지막 세 번째로는 선진 시기 중국 사상가들의 명실(名實)에 대한 논쟁의 전개 과정을 일별함으로써, 고대 그리스의 이름[onoma]에 대한 논의와 비교해 보고 그것이 중국의 이름[名]에 대한 고민과 어떤 공통점과 차이를 가지는지 살펴보고자 한다. This paper was aimed to investigate the exchanges, understandings and communication between Western and Chinese civilizations with a focus on language and logic. To obtain that purpose, this paper will unfold in the following order: First, it will start with demonstrating the translation process of Minglitan which was based on multifaceted exchanges between both sides, as well as taking a glance at some of their later joint translations. This will give light to the works’ limits of failing to fully clarify their differences. Second, we will consider the problem of language in Aristotle’s logics and Plato’s theory--which formed the basis of Minglitan. Lastly, we will compare the two theorists’ ideas to that of China’s mingshi名實, ultimately leading to Chinese traditional questions about name, so called ming名, and what common points and differences the two had.