식민지 지식인의 유교 이해와 근대주의

염복규(Yum, Bok-Kyu) 한국사학회 2011 史學硏究 Vol.- No.104

이 글은 식민지시기 전통과 근대를 넘나든 대표적 지식인 현상윤의 생애와 유교 이해를 살펴본 것이다. 현상윤은 전통적인 유교 가문 출신으로서 청소년기 신교육에 입문하여 병합후 일본에 유학했다. 3.1운동에 참여한 현상윤은 그 이후에는 더 이상 직접적인 사회운동에 나서지 않고 중앙학교를 근거로 교육 활동과 문필 활동으로 일관했다. 이는 현상윤을 넓은 의미의 실력양성론자, 구체적으로는 인촌 김성수로 대표되는 인맥 속에서 살펴보아야 함을 의미한다. 사상적으로 청년기의 현상윤은 유교적 전통의 비판과 근대주의의 자각을 통해 현실의 타개책을 모색했다. 그럼에도 불구하고 현상윤은 특이하게 유교 사상의 내재적 이해와 체계화를 시도했다. 이는 그가 전통적 소양의 탯줄을 끝내 끊어내지 못한 일면을 보여준다. 그러나 그의 유학사연구의 결론은 청년기 유교 사상 비판에서 근본적으로 벗어나지 않았다. 이러한 의미에서 현상윤의 사상은 자신의 모태에 가까운 유교 사상을 내재적으로 이해하되, 그를 부정함으로써 사상적 활로를 찾고자 했던 식민지 지식인의 행로의 한 전형을 보여준다. This article looks into the life of Hyeon Sang-yoon, one of model intellects of the colonialist era of Korea, who traversed tradition and modernism, and analyses his ideas of confucianism. Hyeon, born to a traditional confucian scholars" family, was introduced to modern education when he was a teenager, and studied abroad in Japan after Joseon was put under the Japanese colonial rule. Although he participated in the March 1 Independent Movement, he wasn"t actively involved in activism again but pursued a career of scholar and educator at the Joong-ang School. Therefore he can be classified as one of the pragmatists, headed by Inchon Kim Seong-soo, etc., who urged the colonial Koreans give priority to cultivating nation"s power first rather than demanding an immediate independence from Japan. As a young scholar, Hyeon tried to find a way to overcome the present conditions through criticizing the confucian tradition and introducing modernism. However, he didn"t plunged himself to modern ideas, rather pursued an immanent understanding and systemizing of confucianism. In a sense, he was hardly severed from the umbilical cord of traditional education and his modernized version of confucianism couldn"t get much further from his early criticism of old ideas. In this sense, Hyeon showed an example of colonial intellects, who had an immanent understanding of traditional confucianism, but tried to find a new way by breaking away from traditional ideas.

日帝下 仁川의 ‘행락지’로서 위상의 형성과 변화

염복규(Yum, Bok-kyu) 인천대학교 인천학연구원 2011 인천학연구 Vol.14 No.-

강제병합 이전 인천은 한국에서 서구 근대 문물 유입의 창구로서 위상을 가지고 있었다. 그러나 병합 이후 인천은 ‘세계와 한국의 만남의 장소’로서 위상을 잃어버렸다. 그 대신 인천이 새롭게 가지게 된 중요한 위상 중 하나는 대도시 경성에 인접한 해안 행락지로서 위상이었다. 이 위상은 1910년대부터 시작된 월미도 유원지의 개발과 1930년대 후반 송도 유원지의 개발로 실현되었다. 월미도 유원지와 송도 유원지는 모두 천혜의 풍광을 가진 곳이었지만, 식민지권력의 인공적 개발 과정을 거쳐 비로소 근대 도시인의 행락지가 되었다. 그리고 행락지의 인공미는 조선인이 식민지 근대를 내면화하는 유력한 통로로 기능했다. 물론 이런 근대적 행락지로서 위상에 대한 ‘다른 시선’도 있었다. 근대적 행락지에 고유한 조선적 의미를 부여하려는 시도도 존재했던 것이다. 그러나 이런 시선은 다수의 것일 수 없었다. 한편 1930년대 후반 경성과 인천을 하나의 권역으로 한 광역도시계획 구상 속에서 인천의 행락지로서 위상은 다시 한 번 부각되었다. 그리고 그에 따라 경성-인천 간 고속도로 계획 같은 것이 등장하기도 했다. 그러나 전쟁이 격화되는 가운데 이런 계획은 공상에 그칠 수 밖에 없었다. 오히려 전시체제가 심화되면서 인천의 행락지로서 위상을 대체한 것은 이른바 연성(鍊成)이었다. 그런데 연성은 실질적으로는 행락의 다른 이름이기도 했다. 행락지로서 위상은 단절되지 않았다. After the Annexation in 1910, Incheon lost the former status of the “meeting place of the world and Joseon”, as a major portal of the nation, through which western culture flew into the traditional society. Instead, the port city, adjacent to the metropolis Kyeongseong, emerged as a recreation spot on the beach for the colonial capital city dwellers to casually visit and enjoy leisure. The potential realized by the consecutive development projects of the Wolmido Resort, started in 1910's and the Songdo Resort in late 1930's. Though both Wolmido and Songdo were naturally beautiful places, they became tourist attractions only through the development efforts by the colonial administration. The amenities and artificial attractions at these two resorts functioned as a major channel, through which Korean people internalized the colonial modernity. Meanwhile, there existed “another point of view” on Incheon's status of a modern resort city. Those who attempted an alternative view, tried to put a meaning related to traditional Joseon to the modern resorts of Incheon, but failed to form a social consensus on their cause. In late 1930's, Incheon's status of a resort city regained attention in terms of the idea of metro-politan city planning, which encompassed Kyeongseong and Incheon in one vast zone. The project of building a highway between Kyeongseong and Incheon was brought out, but with the aggravated progress of the war, the project was abandoned. Instead, as the society was reorganized on a war footing, Incheon imposed a new role of the "training camp" for citizens, though "training(鍊成)", encouraged by the wartime leaders, meant recreation in practice. Therefore Incheon's role of a recreation spot kept alive.

붕괴된 신화, 지속되는 신화

염복규(Yum Bok Kyu) 역사비평사 2014 역사비평 Vol.- No.108

In April 1966, President Park Chung Hee appointed a former general, Kim Hyun Ok, as the Mayor of Seoul in the hope that the drive and leadership of the new mayor, fresh out of the military, would speed up urban development in Seoul, which had failed to make much progress, and thereby help garner political support for himself. The new mayor succeeded in meeting the President’s expectations and accelerated the implementation of a series of construction projects, including the replacement deteriorated houses in Seoul by building civic apartment complexes. His focus on urban reconstruction enlisted some support from the citizens of Seoul. However, the civic apartment project, which had been pushed too fast with a shortage of funds, ended in disaster: one building of the Wawoo Apartment Complex collapsed on April 8, 1970, just four months after completion. Poor construction stemming from corruption involving construction firms and civic officials was blamed for the accident and the mayor resigned. However behind the apparent cause lay a construction-focused and speed-first policy, the dominant philosophy during Park’s development dictatorship. Ironically, the disgraced mayor continued to gain some civil support even after his resignation, with citizens still dazed by the splendor of development. The apartment building collapsed but the myth, which led the tragedy, did not. Unsustainable development and its side effects still persist today.

식민지 도시계획과 ‘교외’의 형성

염복규(Yum, Bok-kyu) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2013 역사문화연구 Vol.46 No.-

이 논문은 1930-40년대 경성시가지계획의 일부로 개발된 敦岩地區를 대상으로 식민지도시 경성에서 근대적 교외 지역의 형성 과정과 특징을 살펴본 것이다. 식민지권력은 돈암지구를 조선인과 일본인이 융화하는 모범적인 교외 주택지로 개발하고자 했다. 이를 위해 돈암지구에는 일본식 주택지 유형이 설계되었으며, 內鮮共學의 학교가 입지했다. 또 교통망이 체계적으로 정비되었으며, 시장과 공원 등도 계획되었다. 그러나 식민지권력의 의도와는 달리 돈암지구는 전형적인 조선인 주거지로 형성되었다. 도시계획 주체의 구상과 실제의 결과의 이런 엇갈림은 근대 자본주의 도시계획의 전원도시, 근린주구 구상이 식민지도시에서 구현되는 과정의 독특함을 잘 드러내 준다. This article analyzes the process of formation of suburbs in colonial Seoul and its characteristics through an example of the development of Don-am(敦岩) district in the colonial capital as a part of the Kyeong-Seong(京城) urban plan, during the 1930's-40's. The colonial government aimed to develop the district as a model suburb, where colonial Koreans and Japanese settlers could live together harmoniously. To this aim, they designed housing sites in Japanese style and established a high school, which opened to both ethnicities. Also, the road networks of the district were improved and marketplace and public parks were planned accordingly. However, despite the intension of the colonial officials, Don-am district emerged as a typical neighborhood of colonial Korean residents. This disparity itself between the aim of colonial city planners and the actual result of their plan betrays the characteristics of the process, through which the modern capitalist city planners's idea for garden city and neighborhoods were materialized in a colonial city.

식민지 도시계획의 잃어버린 시간을 찾아서

염복규(Yum, Bok Kyu) 도시사학회 2017 도시연구 Vol.- No.17

이 논문은 1920년대 조선 도시계획 논의의 전개 과정과 ‘1930년 조선총독부 도시계획안’의 위상을 재검토한 연구이다. 1920년대 조선총독부의 도시계획파는 잡지 『조선과 건축』등을 통해 지속적으로 도시계획 담론을 조선에 전파했다. 또 조선 4대 도시(경성, 부산, 대구, 평양)의 조사와 도시계획안 작성을 추진했다. 그러나 이 작업은 순조롭게 진행되지 못했다. 조선총독부 수뇌부의 반대로 도시계획법이 제정되지 못했기 때문이다. 1920년대 내내 조선에서 도시계획은 부침을 겪으며 점차 하강곡선을 그렸다. 그럼에도 불구하고 4대 도시의 조사 작업은 진행되었다. 그리하여 1930-31년 경성, 부산, 대구 세 도시의 도시계획안이 간행되었다. 그런데 이것은 도시계획을 즉시 실행하지 않음을 전제로 총독 등에게 보고용으로 소량만 인쇄한 것으로 추정된다. 그래서 도시계획을 위한 재원 마련책이 없으며, 실지 측량도 일부만 했다. 무엇보다도 조선총독부의 공식 간행물임에도 불구하고 현재 국립중앙도서관에 소장되어 있지 않고, 국회도서관과 일본 사이토기념관에만 소장되어 있다. 그리하여 오랫동안 존재조차 잊혀져 있었다. 결론적으로 ‘1930년 조선총독부 도시계획안’은 1920년대 조선 도시계획 논의의 성과와 한계를 동시에 보여주는 증거이다. This treatise examines the discussion of urban planning in colonial Joseon during the 1920’ s and the “1930 Joseon Government General Urban Plan.” During the 1920’ s, urban planners in the colonial government attempted to promote city planning ideas and discussions through publishing the periodical “Joseon and Construction.” They conducted preliminary surveys of the four major cities in Joseon – Kyeongseong (京城), Busan (釜山), Daegu (大邱), Pyongyang (平壤) - and drew up urban plans for these cities. However, the project faced opposition from higher levels of the colonial administration, especially with regard to legislating the urban planning act. Throughout the 1920’ s, there were ups and downs, but efforts for urban planning in Joseon continued to decline. Nevertheless, the surveys of the four major cities were carried out and resulted in the 1930-1931 publication of the city plans for Kyeongseong, Busan, and Daegu. However, the urban plans were meant to be printed only in small numbers to debrief the Governor General, without any intentions to realize them in the foreseeable future. No resources were procured for the plans and the actual surveys did not cover the cities’ entire areas. Moreover, although the plans were official publications of the Joseon Government General, they are currently not in possession by the National Library of Korea and only found at Korea’s Library of the National Assembly as well as the Saito Makoto Memorial Hall in Japan, actually forgotten, even among scholars. In conclusion, the “1930 Joseon Government General Urban Plan” embodies both the achievement of discussions on urban planning in Joseon during the 1920’ s and its limitations at the same time.

[한국 근대Ⅱ] 식민지 인식의 ‘비동시성의 동시성’과 극복을 위한 모색

염복규(Yum, Bok-Kyu) 역사학회 2016 역사학보 Vol.0 No.231

This paper analyzes the studies of the Japanese Colonial Era in Korea published in 2014~2015, and points out several issues for future research. Several points proposed after analysis are: First, in researches on colonial government, the colonial power is increasingly considered as more a field in which multiple powers compete between themselves, rather than a single unit. Second, in economic history of colonial era, traditional perspective still prevails, but newer approaches can be seen. Third, also in national liberation movement studies, the traditional view is adopted in more papers, but newer approach, focused on contexts of historical records, can be seen. On the other hand, Korean expatriate communities receive attentions of researchers as the basis of liberation movement abroad. Fourth, education, scholarship and thought during the colonial era were actively researched. Papers in this area tend to focus on contexts of ideas, rather than ideas themselves. Fifth, in local, urban, social studies, the attention of researchers seem to be released from centralized view and start to examine locality itself, with increasing studies of a variety of social minorities.

차별인가 한계인가?

염복규(Yum, Bokkyu) 역사비평사 2019 역사비평 Vol.- No.126

Seoul, the capital of Korea since the Joseon Dynasty, is surrounded by mountains and traditionally utilized the streams from the mountains as its main sewerage. For example, the Cheonggye stream, which runs across the capital’s downtown from east to west, was used as the sewer of the city as early as the fifteenth century. However, as the old open sewer systems no longer serviced the expanding city in the late nineteenth century, an idea of its modern alternative of the covered sanitary drains under the redeveloped roads took its root. The Japanese Colonialists also declared the open sewerage in Gyeongseong (now Seoul) unsanitary and planned to cover it. But the work needed an amount of capital the colonial power could not afford. Limited funds for public engineering tended to be allocated for the “more conspicuous” road improvement works. Also the areas where major colonial facilities and Japanese settlements were located took the top priorities in finance allocation. Throughout the colonialist regime, the public repeatedly criticized the colonial governments’ policy, but with little effect. The colonial power called Gyeongseong a modern city and attempted to build a sanitary system the modern metropolis deserved. However actual works of construction were pushed back on the priority list.

日帝下 京城 지역 소방 기구의 변화 과정과 활동 양상

염복규(Yum, Bok-Kyu) 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 2012 서울학연구 Vol.- No.49

There were three characteristics of the Kyungseong fire-fighting organization during the Japanese colonialist rule: first, disconnection from the Choseon Dynasty’s tradition of firefighting, second, transplant of the Japanese urban fire-fighting system during the Meiji(明治) period, and third, unique development of the capital fire-fighting independent of those of provincial cities. The Kyungseong fire-fighting organization during the Japanese colonialist rule started with the introduction of the system of Sobangjo (消防組; the volunteer fire-fighting groups), which the Japanese organized at the end of the 19th century and the palace fire service, which the Japanese police organized in 1907. As a result, two different firefighting system: ‘volunteer fire-fighting’ and ‘regular fire-fighting’ coexisted for a while. But As the Kyungseong fire-station (京城消防署) was established under the Gyeonggido Police department (京畿道 警察部) in 1925, the fire-fighting system of the colonial capital generally followed the road to a unified regular organization under the police command. The main tasks of the fire-fighting organization apart from fire extinguishment included regular drills, campaign to promote public awareness for fire prevention and fire fighting facilities inspection. The fire drills consisted of the new year’s kick-off drill and regularly scheduled training, once in spring and fall. The public performance of the fire drill were intended as an opportunity, through which the colonial power displayed its legitimacy. The fire prevention campaigns were often conducted during the holiday season around New Year’s Day. The fire fighting facilities inspection was more regularized in the 1930’s. The major fire-fighting equipments consisted of pumps, watertanks, ladders, hydrants and watchtowers. The development of the fire-fighting equipments during the Japanese colonialist rule was summarized generally as from ‘hand-operated’ to ‘motor-operated’. In 1937, the new Kyungseong fire-station building was completed as the first building with an exclusive use for fire-fighting in Colonial Choseon. The Kyungseong fire-fighting system during the colonialist rule followed the example of the Japanese urban fire-fighting system with a gap of about 20 years, and displayed an exceptional development, apart from other provinces outside the capital. But the case of Kyungseong were propagated to other cities and marked the beginning of the contemporary fire-fighting system in Korea.

식민지 ‘수도’의 위상을 둘러싼 동상이몽의 연대기

염복규(Yum, Bok-kyu) 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 2017 서울학연구 Vol.- No.66

조선 건국 이래 500여년간 특별한 위상의 ‘수도’였던 漢城府는 1910년 강제병 합으로 제국 일본의 지방도시 京城府로 격하되었다. 그러나 한국인은 물론 식민 지권력이나 일본인도 경성부를 단지 지방도시로 인식한 것은 아니다. 식민지시 기 내내 경성부는 지방도시이면서 식민지 ‘수도’로 이중적으로 인식되었다. 이 논 문은 이런 이중적 인식의 흐름을 경성부의 최고 행정관인 府尹의 지위 및 경성부 조직 체계의 변화 과정을 통해 추적한 연구이다. 병합후 공포된 최초의 관제에서 경성부윤은 다른 부윤 및 군수와 동일하게 단 지 奏任官으로 규정되었다. 이전과 같은 수도 행정의 장관으로서 특별한 지위를 잃은 것이다. 또 경성부의 조직 체계도 수도의 위상에 걸맞지 않게 단순했다. 그 런데 이런 부윤의 지위나 부 행정의 체계가 경성부의 위상과 맞지 않으므로 경성 부에는 다른 부와 다른 일본 본국의 市에 준하는 ‘특별부제’를 시행해야 한다는 문제 제기가 지속되었다. 그 결과 1932년 일제는 경성부윤의 지위를 다른 부윤보 다 높은, 도지사급의 勅任官으로 승격시켰다. 또 경성부의 행정 체계도 상위 행 정구획인 도와 같은 급으로 조정되었다. 하지만 이는 형식적 변화였을 뿐이다. 원래 경성부에 특별부제를 시행해야 한다는 주장의 핵심은 자치제의 확대였다. 그러나 1932년 이후 경성부의 위상 변화 는 단지 위계적 질서에서 한 단계 높아진 것일 뿐이었다. 그리고 이는 자치제 확 대와는 오히려 반대로 관치가 심화된 것이었다고 할 수 있다. With Japan’s Annexation of Korea, Han-Seong fu (漢城府; Han-Seong city), which had enjoyed the privileged status of the capital for over five hundred years since the foundation of Joseon, was demoted to Kyeong-Seong fu (京城府; Kyeong-Seong city), one of many cities in the Imperial Japan. Nevertheless, the colonial government and colonists as well as Korean people didn’t treat Kyeongseong as just a provincial city. Throughout the colonial regime, the city maintained dual status as the colonial capital and a non-capital city. This paper examines the dual conception based on changes of the rank of Fuyun (府尹; mayor), the highest administrator in the Kyeong-Seong fu, and in the hierarchy of the city government. According to the first government organization enacted with the Annexation, Kyeong- Seong fuyun (京城府尹; Kyeong-Seong city mayor) was ranked as a mere juimkwan (奏任官), non-superior than other fuyuns and county governors, losing former prestigious posi¬tion as the governor of the capital city. Also, the administrative system of Kyeong-Seong city was simplified accordingly. However, there were continued demands that a system of a special city should be introduced for the colonial capital. In 1932, the status of Kyeong- Seong fuyun was elevated to that of chikimkwan (勅任官), same rank with provincial govener and superior to other fuyuns and the administrative system of it was modified in accordance with do (道), higher rank administrative district. However, the changed status of Kyeong-Seong was superficial as it failed to realize the essence of the argument for it: expansion of local self-governing system. Elevated status of the colonial capital meant just a higher position in a bureaucratic hierarchy, indicating fortified government control, one step further from a self-governing system.

하이모더니즘의 바벨탑 -청량리 개발과 대왕코너 화재사고-

염복규(Yum, Bok-kyu) 한국사학회 2021 史學硏究 Vol.- No.144

1966년 박정희정부는 서울 도심 개발을 추진하기 위해 군출신 김현옥을 서울시장으로 기용했다. 김현옥의 서울시는 도심 개발 사업의 하나로 시내의 불량지구나 하천 복개지에 민간자본을 유치하여 상가아파트를 건설했다. 상가아파트는 고층의 현대적 경관을 만들었다. 또 이면의 낙후한 경관을 가리는 역할을 했다. 이 무렵 건설된 상가아파트 중 하나가 청량리의 대왕코너이다. 20세기 들어 서울 동부 교통의 요지이자 부도심이 된 청량리에는 1950년대부터 큰 규모의 사창가가 형성되었다. 대왕코너에는 이 사창가를 가리는 차단막 역할이 부여되었다. 고층·복합 건물인 대왕코너가 건설되면서 청량리는 부도심으로 더욱 발달했다. 그러나 대왕코너에서는 1972∼75년 세 차례나 화재사고가 일어났다. 대왕코너는 소방시설을 전혀 갖추지 않았으며, 이를 개선하라는 행정 지시도 거듭 무시했기 때문이다. 이렇게 부실한 건물이 법을 무시하고 지어질 수 있었던 배경은 서울의 현대화를 위해 추진하는 상가아파트 건설 사업의 하나였기 때문이다. 대통령의 신임이 두터웠던 서울시장 김현옥은 단순한 행정관이 아니라 지도자의 강력한 의지로 수도 서울의 공간을 현대적으로 개조하고자 한 하이모더니즘의 화신이었다. 그러나 대왕코너의 반복된 화재사고는 1960년대의 하이모더니즘이 도시의 표면을 현대화하는데 그쳤음을 잘 보여준다. 그리고 표면의 현대화의 달성은 안전이라는 가치를 무시한 댓가를 치루었다. In 1966, the Park Administration of South Korea appointed Kim Hyeon-ok, an ex-military officer as the mayor of Seoul and gave him the task of developing downtown Seoul. The new mayor promoted to construct the modern apartment buildings with lower-level stores with private capital in underdeveloped downtown districts or in the covered strips over a river. These modern buildings were to create a high-rise modern landscape and cover an outdated ugly mess of the capital city. One of the newly-built residential complexes was Daewang Corner in Cheongnyangni, one of the sub-centers in East Seoul. As a transportation hub, it featured notorious red-light districts since the 1950s. The brand new edifice was given a role as a screen hiding the embarrassing scenery of brothels. The new high-rise store-residential complex led to further development of Cheongnyangni but suffered three different fire incidents in 1972-75. Unfortunately, the brand-new modern building was not fit up with fire-fighting equipment and its proprietor repeatedly ignored the administrative orders for improving the situation. This blatant disregard for public safety and executive orders was possible due to the fact the building was a part of one major drive for modernizing Seoul. Mayor Kim was more than a mere administrator and the pioneer of high modernity who executed the will of the strong leader of President Park for transforming the space of the capital into a modern metropolis. However frequent actionable fires revealed that high modernism in the 1960s Korea stopped at a superficial plane while sacrificing the value of public safety.