IMF체제 논리로서의 신자유주의 이데올로기 : 패권의 존재와 약육강식적 시장 The Existence of A Hegemony and A Predatory Market

심흥수 경상대학교 해외지역연구센터 1998 해외지역연구 Vol.2 No.1

The purpose of this essay is threefold. First, we identify the neoliberal ideology as the core of the International Monetary Fund(IMF)regime. By illuminating the orgins of the ideology, we show why it is necessary to offer a new definition of the ideology, We argue that the neoliberal ideology is a mix between the "fantastic" neoliberal promise of markets and American power politics. We trace its upbringing in United States-Latin American relations during the early part of the Cold War. Second, we attempt to explain why the ideology has rapidly been spreading all over the world in the postCold War era. We argue that a structural change from bipolarity to unipolarity is the permissive cause for the proliferation of the ideology. The problematic is the presence of an unchecked power, the United States. Third, we identify various problems that result from the proliferation. We focus on market failures which are well recognized in the political economy literature, and on anarchy which is the defining characteristics of the international system, Our arguments together point to an unfair and unequal distribution of wealth worldwide, which the neoliberal ideology consequently produces. We question the legitimacy of the ideology since it exercises power politics and perpetuates a predatory market that mainly serves the interests of the hegemon.

Origins of Justice, Property, and Government and Conflicts of Real Politics in David Hume

심흥수 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2010 평화학연구 Vol.11 No.2

The purpose of this essay is decidedly limited, specifically, to an examination of some of the principal points of Hume's philosophy of politics. The main argument of this essay is twofold. First, by discussing Hume’s original utilization of social convention in explaining the origins of justice, property, and government, it is argued that Hume is not a social contractarian, a thesis contrary to the one advanced by Gauthier. Second, by examining the question of how Hume addressed the contemporary political context of his day, it is argued that Hume has shifted his views on the status and progress of liberty in the British polity because of his philosophical skepticism, which cares for moral calculation for the excesses of practical politics

A Comparison between the International Peace Movement of the 1980s and Millenarianism

심흥수 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2008 평화학연구 Vol.9 No.4

The scope of this essay is limited so as not to be engaged in the analysis of the international peace movement phenomenon from any social movement perspective. Rather the essay depicts an element of millenarianism in the international peace movement as some journalists have given to the seemingly facile characterization of the peace movement as a recurrence of the politico-cultural phenomenon of millenarianism. This paper will therefore seek to examine two basic questions. Were elements of the peace movement an example of the politico-cultural phenomenon of millenarianism as arose in earlier historical era? How do the transnational dimensions and consequences of the peace movement compare with those of millenarian movement? The transnational dimension of the peace movement as yet remained largely, in its mass manifestations, informal and spontaneous. Even so, it was an impressive example of a growing political interdependence in the globalized world. Already a transnationally organizing elite was developing to pursue the peace movement's program. While the grass-root peace movement may well “break the inherited mould” and become a “non-nationally defined resistance movement, globalist in potential, and fundamentally transnational in its structure,” this potential, it could be argued, may not be feasible with the political value system of the present world. The transformation in value system that would make a truly peaceful world possible must occur in the spiritual and moral realm where humans have so often before cast their aspirations in the millennialist mold. As we have seen, the millennialist mold entail an appeal to politically and socially marginal groups, an appeal to the terror of catastrophe, to an emotional fantasy of a utopian future. Millennialists have historically had to contend with political power - first the established church, then national governments. The scope of this essay is limited so as not to be engaged in the analysis of the international peace movement phenomenon from any social movement perspective. Rather the essay depicts an element of millenarianism in the international peace movement as some journalists have given to the seemingly facile characterization of the peace movement as a recurrence of the politico-cultural phenomenon of millenarianism. This paper will therefore seek to examine two basic questions. Were elements of the peace movement an example of the politico-cultural phenomenon of millenarianism as arose in earlier historical era? How do the transnational dimensions and consequences of the peace movement compare with those of millenarian movement? The transnational dimension of the peace movement as yet remained largely, in its mass manifestations, informal and spontaneous. Even so, it was an impressive example of a growing political interdependence in the globalized world. Already a transnationally organizing elite was developing to pursue the peace movement's program. While the grass-root peace movement may well “break the inherited mould” and become a “non-nationally defined resistance movement, globalist in potential, and fundamentally transnational in its structure,” this potential, it could be argued, may not be feasible with the political value system of the present world. The transformation in value system that would make a truly peaceful world possible must occur in the spiritual and moral realm where humans have so often before cast their aspirations in the millennialist mold. As we have seen, the millennialist mold entail an appeal to politically and socially marginal groups, an appeal to the terror of catastrophe, to an emotional fantasy of a utopian future. Millennialists have historically had to contend with political power - first the established church, then national governments.

동북아 국제정세와 한반도: 북한의 선택에 영향을 미치는 구조적 제약

심흥수 21세기정치학회 2002 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.12 No.2

세계 구조의 변화와 신자유주의 이데올로기

심흥수 慶尙大學校 經營經濟硏究所 1998 産業經濟 Vol.9 No.-

A Study of the Rousseau’s Literature: Stumbling Blocks of Jean Jacque Rousseau's Theory of a Free and Equal

심흥수 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2016 평화학연구 Vol.17 No.2

This essay purports to examine various aspects of Rousseau's Theory of a Free and Equal Society in correlation with prescription and fact. The construction of Rousseau’s Theory of a Free and Equal Society reveals at least six contradictions between prescription and fact: 1) the state of natureal assumption; 2) the assumption that social interaction is not native to man’s true nature; 3) the hypothesis that man’s basic nature of independent freedom remains the same after contact with others; 4) the premise that man is by nature good and becomes depraved and perverted through societal influences; 5) his theory about the origins of inequality; and 6) the theory of the General Will. Each and every provision of his theoretical building blocks refutes explanations against key findings on human nature and social phenomena from other disciplines, such as psychology, anthropology, political science, and sociology. This essay aims to show patterns of logical pitfalls and idiosyncrasies. It also shows that totalitarian potentialities can be found in Rousseau's philosophy.

Elites and Students' Perception of the South Korean Progressive Party

심흥수 동아시아국제정치학회 2016 국제정치연구 Vol.19 No.2

South Korean progressive politics has faced a crisis. Some political experts argue that the dissolved Unified Progressive Party (UPP) sacrificed the progressive movement's biggest asset - popular trust in its sincerity and commitment. Both improper handling of primaries in 2012, violence in central committee, the guilty verdict for UPP's lawmaker Lee Seok-kee on charges of "conspiracy to carry out insurrection," and the forced dissolution of the UPP by the Constitutional Court have hurt the progressive cause as a whole. This study purports to analyze elites and students' perception about the crisis of the UPP at a certain point in time before its forced dissolution by the highest court in Korea. Since it is limited in scope and time, its objective is to document how elites and students in Busan and Gyeongnam area viewed the crisis of the UPP and how elites and students in the area perceived the appropriateness of public subvention with tax money to the UPP and its causes. The study offers an instant capture of public perception on the UPP in May of 2014 within the area of Busan and Gyeongnam. The study is also invaluable for its comparative findings not only about the differences between the opinions of the elites and those of the students, but also about the differences between the opinions of the elites in academia and those of other social elites. In short, the perceptual lenses of elites and students, as well as those of professors and other elites, differed from one another. Other social elites were the least sympathetic to the UPP. Next were students. Professors seemed to envision progressive movements which go far beyond the UPP. The public generally views Théâtre de l'Absurde of the South Korean progressive party as absurd. Yet the progressives other than the UPP must realize that time is progressing into a dialectical process in which the movement and the party can do away with old theses and meet the challenges posed by new conditions and generations. Other elites and students may be the nemesis and professors may be willing supporters. Nevertheless, many of them want progressive causes advanced. Adaptation and metamorphosis is a virtue for an evolutionary process.

An Alternate Theory for the Acquisition of Arms to the Collective Goods Theory: A Structural Theory of Armaments

심흥수 한국국제정치학회 2013 The Korean Journal of International Studies Vol.11 No.2

This article offers an alternate theory for the acquisition of arms to the collective goods theory. Deduced from structural neorealist principles, this structural theory of arms acquisition shows how structural forces at work shape and condition arms acquisitions for a particular country much more than what is commonly acknowledged. It supplements what is lacking in the collective goods theory of arms acquisition, namely the postulates of the structure part and the link between interest and structure. This study accounts for the disproportionate expenditures in terms of system-wide structure and polarity, as well as lower sub-systemic structures such as relational and dyadic structures.

생시몽과 마르크스: 공상적, 과학적, 또는 교화적?

심흥수 ( Heung Soo Sim ) 연세대학교 사회과학연구소 2016 社會科學論集 Vol.47 No.1

이 논문은 생시몽과 마르크스의 유사점과 상이점을 비교 분석하면서 이 둘 모두를 공상적이고 교화적인 계몽주의의 유산으로 결론짓고 있다. 마르크스를 19세기 공상적 사회주의자와 근본적으로 다른 혁명이론가로 여기던 일반적인 생각과 달리 마르크스의 이론들이 사회를 재편하려는 생시몽의 사상에서 발전되어 나온 것이라는 새로운 관점을 제시하였다. 또한 이 논문은 마르크스가 계몽주의 철학자의 한계를 벗어나지 못한, 현실과 동떨어진 사상가라는 사실에 대한 주장 또한 새로운 시사점으로 제시하였다. 생시몽과 마르크스의 비교적인 차이점도 물론 다수 적시하였다. 다만 이들 차이점들은 생시몽이 공상적이고 마르크스는 과학적이라는 것을 입증하기 보다는 둘이 다 공히 계몽주의의 유산을 공유하는 공상적이고 교화적인 사상가라는 것을 부각시켜준다. 비교적으로 생시몽은 더 나은 미래의 어떤``상태``를 지향한 반면 마르크스는 노동자들의 단합과 사회전복적 혁명을 향해 나아가는 ``움직임`` 그 자체를 지향하였다고 여겨진다. 또한 각각의 목표를 추구하는 수단에 있어서도 생시몽은 비폭력주의인 반면에 마르크스는 폭력주의인 점이 비교적으로 의미가 있다. 또한 생시몽은 ``엘리트 산업자의 지배로 모든 계층이 생산자로서 이득``을 추구하여 모든 사람을 위한 세상을 꿈꾸었다면 마르크스는 .프롤레타리아가 지배하는 새로운 세상 건설``을 목표로 하였으므로 오직 노동자계급을 위한 혁명을 꿈꾸었다는 것은 둘의 큰 차이로 여겨진다. 즉, 생시몽은 과학자-산업자가 통치하는 새로운 사회를 꿈꾸고 마르크스는 프롤레타리아가 세상을 지배하는 사회를 꿈꾼다고 하는 것이 둘의 가장 근본적인 차이점이다. 이렇듯 혁명의 주체가 서로 다르다는 점은 둘 사이의 매우 큰 차이점이다. 프랑스대혁명과 산업혁명이라는 시대적 상황을 각기 살아간 두 거장은 각각의 환경에서 보다 나은 정치를 지향하는데 주안점을 두었다. 생시몽은 과학과 산업 엘리트가 지배하는 세상이 불가피하게 도래할 것이고 그 안에서의 질서와 정의를 추구하고자 하였고 마르크스는 산업혁명으로 나타난 자본주의의 어두운 그림자로부터 보다 나은 사회를 찾아보고자 노력하였다. 그러나 결국 이들은 이상주의적 인간관에 함몰되어 현실과 동떨어진 세상을 갈구한 셈이 되었고 빠르게 변하는 불확실한 미래를 예측할 수 없는 상상력의 부재 속에서 세상을 이분법적으로 단순화 시키는 오류를 범하였다. 따라서 이들은 공통적으로 유토피아적 자산을 공유한 계몽주의의 후예들이라고 불려지는 것이 적절하다고 할 수 있다. 마르크스의 변화에 대한 관점이나 정부 대신 관리의 부상에 대한 생각, 사회 재조직 계획 등은 생시몽의 그것들에서의 진화의 결과임이 역력하다. 과학적 사회주의 요소라고 주장된 생산자의 낙원이나 프롤레타리아의 공산주의 세상이 공히 실현되기 어려운 유토피아적 요소를 담고 있다. 근원적으로 각각은 불확실한 미래의 도래와 그 때 출현할 예정인 새 인간상을 맞물고 돌아가는 환원적인 논리적 연계고리를 갖고 있다. 생시몽과 마르크스의 이성중심의 계몽주의적 공통성이 여실한 것이다. 그러나 이들의 고민과 노력은 보다 복잡해진 현실세계에서 뛰어난 적응력을 보여주며 변신을 거듭하고 있는 자본주의나 이제 막 어둠에서 벗어나려는 많은 제3세계 국가들에게 여전히 중요한 시사점을 제공하고 있다. 그것은 다름 아닌 정의로운 사회에 대한, 그리고 그 사회를 이루기 위한 적절한 정치에 대한 끊임없는 되물음이다. 하지만 이러한 고민은 종종 생시몽과 마르크스와 같이 공상적이고 교화적인 요소를 담고 있는데 그 이유는 현실에 실재하는 한계, 특히 인간 심성에 대한 몰이해와 불확실한 미래상에 대한 상상력의 부재 때문이다. This essay purports to discover commonalities extant in Henri de Saint-Simon and Karl Marx while bearing in mind that the two thinkers markedly differ from each other. It compares and contrasts between the thoughts of Henri de Saint-Simon and those of Karl Marx and argues that both can be rightly called the children of the Enlightenment, exhibiting such characteristics as utopianism and enlightenment. This argument defies the conventional wisdom that Marx was fundamentally different from the utopian socialists of the nineteenth century, but confirms that Marx too was utopian for many of his revolutionary theories evolved from Saint-Simon``s thoughts on social restructuring and Marx reflected the quest for immutable laws of society just like Saint-Simon, which was a lasting effect of the Enlightenment, the Age of Reason. The essay shows how Marx shares with Saint-Simon the heritage of the Enlightenment. Saint-Simon, on the one hand, tried to discover due just social order in the advent of a scientific and industrial society following the French Revolution. Marx on the other hand, faced with the ill-effects of the Industrial Revolution and agonized over a way out from inhumane capitalism. Both producer``s paradise and proletariat``s communist society are not practical but utopian. Marx``s view of change, idea of replacing government with administration, and plan for reorganization of the society evolved from Saint-Simon’s thoughts. However the faults in both Saint-Simon and Marx lie in a circular logic in which the uncertain future and newly born creatures complete a loop. Thereby the fundamental question deals with the advent of a new generation of men, which does not seem to occur any time soon. Their efforts still bear significance not only in the advanced capitalist society but also in the third world countries for they propounded for a just society and the political means through which the society comes into being. These efforts often contain the elements of utopianism and enlightenment as seen in both Saint-Simon and Marx.

히틀러의 이동식 살해특공대 아인자쯔그루펜(Einsatzgruppen)과 유대인 홀로코스트

심흥수(Sim, Heung Soo) 전남대학교 5.18연구소 2016 민주주의와 인권 Vol.16 No.2