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      • KCI등재

        명 청대 지배층의 사교관

        송요후 중국사학회 2000 中國史硏究 Vol.10 No.-

        對於白蓮敎的本質, 白蓮敎的起源及從宋代到淸末白蓮敎有沒有具有同一的歷史的組織, 明淸時期知識分子提示了種種的意思. 特別, 爲淸時期的支配階級所確定地共有對於白蓮敎的認識沒見得. 淸時期的知識層覺得了白蓮敎起源了從張魯的五斗米道, 元末紅巾賊或明末王森的聞香敎. 看一下他們的意思, 知得了흔有關係. 其中, 由于元末紅巾賊發生了白蓮敎的意思沒占優勢的地步. 反而白蓮敎起源了從張魯的五斗米道的意思占了優勢的地步. 宋 ·元時期的知識分子們看做了白蓮社類的宗敎結社起源從東晉慧遠或南宋茅子元. 可是, 這個認識, 從什마時候以來消滅掉了. 大體, 明中期以來, 支配階層始使用了白蓮敎的用語, 而且使用這個用語的時候, 把這個用語關聯了叛亂或魔術. 結果, 白蓮敎的用語變化了一個標簽兒. 在嘉慶期跨川楚陜甘豫五個省的叛亂期間中, 這마的用語使用有進一步一般化的趨向. 근白蓮敎的用語在一起, 支配層把邪敎的用語也利用了, 爲了稱一般的秘密宗派集團, 而邪敎的用語替了白蓮敎. 在邪敎的意味中, 時常內包了性的紊亂由于男女混雜, 妖妄而且荒唐無稽, 不知禮義, 無識, 圖謨不軌等的整個否定的認識. 而且進一步, 淸時期的支配層看做了邪敎威脅儒敎支配體制. 從社會 ·宗敎的側面, 對於邪敎的明 ·淸時期支配層的認識, 把從宋代以來的夜聚曉散 ·燒香集衆 ·喫菜事魔進一步發展的面貌發揮了. 這是民衆的組織的活動力量發展的結果. 邪敎集團的本質是追求消災祈福的, 平和的集團, 但是依據狀況的如何, 帶了政治性. 邪敎集團沒具有叛亂的性格. 宗敎性的深化, 雖然也有帶了否定的意義的. 在嚴酷的政府宗敎彈壓的狀況下, 給邪敎集團可以維持綿綿民間秘密宗派的生命力.

      • KCI등재

        中國 民間宗敎 硏究에 대한 새로운 패러다임의 摸索

        송요후 명청사학회 2010 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.34

        After the establishment of communist governance in China, popular religions and any other religions also were suppressed as feudal superstitions and the studies on them were severely hit. According to the implementation of the policy on religious freedom and the pluralistic development of culture after Reform and Openning, popular religion has become active again and an important component part of popular mental life, and also has drawn attention of the academic world. Nowadays, however, the studies on the popular religion was caused by the pressing needs of the hour, or promoting social harmony(和諧) and maintaining social stability(控制). This tendency suggests that following governmental intention, researches on the developmental direction of popular religion and its social functions would be intensified. Now, the Chinese academic world advocates that the government tightens regulations and supervision on popular religion prudently to exclude the possibilities for the popular religion to develop as forces deviating governmental control. They are afraid that improper measures would be able to cause unexpected results. One step further, some scholars insist to legalize popular religion and permit to propagate it. It is their opinion that such policy would absorb popular religion into main society under the supervision of laws, and devotees who felt marginalized find their political needs to participate in local, mainstream institutions met fully. After all, it will help popular religion maintain affirmative interaction and show inherent social functions. These opinions, based on experiences acquired through studies of history, emphasize to change the governmental perception of popular religion. Under the freedom of religion and official leadership, I think, whether the policy of the control based on the law would be adopted or not, depends on the extent to which the government wipes out the traditional perspective to treat popular religion according to political stance. Now, although undergoing tremendous changes socially and economically after Reform and Openning, in the perception of government and its primary concern in the sphere of popular religion, China does not depart noticeably from traditional pattern of Ming and Qing period yet.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        淸 中期 羅敎 庵堂의 宗敎ㆍ社會的 機能에 관하여

        송요후 명청사학회 2009 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.31

        Luojiao(羅敎), which orginated in mid-Ming(明) period at Miyun district(密雲縣), nothern Zhili(直隸), by mid-Qing(淸) period was disseminated to Zhejiang(浙江), Jiangsu(江蘇), Jiangxi(江西), and Fujian(福建) of southern China, through various routes. The spread of Luojiao was accompanied by temple(庵堂)-building, so I suggest that the both were closely related with each other. It is worthy to note that these Luojiao temples, after Luozu(羅祖)’s opening of a temple, were established not only at big towns such as Hangzhou(杭州) and Suzhou(蘇州) related with Grand Canal, but remote and secluded places in the mountains and areas of dwellers of make-shift huts(棚民) of inland area over Zhejiang(浙江), Jiangsu(江蘇), Jiangxi(江西), and Fujian province(福建省). Among the functions of Luojiao temples, needless to say that they had the function of propagation by satisfying people's religious desires, there were functions of mutual assistance among adherents and of providing social security for adherents who left native place and were not under the protection of kinship. Life and death of drifting homeless peoples such as boatmen of tribute fleets(漕運水手) and dwellers of make-shift huts(棚民) were deeply related with these temples. But the supports such as a surrogate family to turn to in old age, caring for the sick, and funeral rites and cemeteries by temples were given, I suggest, provided that the beneficiaries had subscribed a substantial sum of money to the temples or labored for cultivation of tillage belonging to the temples. The temples provided boatmen of the tribute fleets, drifting homeless peoples with the profound sense of comfort. At the last stage of reign of Emperor Qian-long, socioeconomic development reached the limits and the contradictions grew more and more intensifying. Under the such circumstances, founding temples was related with the movement for drifting homeless peoples to attempt to establish their own stable bases. Until the destruction of Luojiao temples in 1768(the 33rd year of Qian-long's reign), the nature of the boatmen's organization is consistent. With the suppression of Qing government, however, the religious nature of Luojiao boatmen of tribute fleets was eliminated, and only characteristics as a underground anti-governmental, secret society which massed with economic interests remained. Later, this society shifted into Qingbang(Green Gang: 靑幇). In 1768, confronting with Queue-cutting cases(割辮案) which originated in Jiangnan provinces, spread Shandong province and played a role in the collective fear, Emperor Qian-long ordered to suppress popular religions thoroughly. As the result, a severe blow was struck to groups of popular religions and they were eradicated. The other popular religions which outlived the oppress turned more and more underground secret societies. It seems that such a way of managing groups of popular religions played a role as a clue in bringing about Wang-lun(王倫)'s uprising in 1774 and the rebellion of 1796-1805. Such political measures for the maintenance of Qing's reign, on the contrary, gave rise to social unrest and gave way for the collapse of the regime. It is noteworthy that popular religions survived all the suppress, so we are incapable of knowing how they were deeply rooted in the society.

      • KCI등재

        金平黙의 『闢邪辨證記疑』에 나타난 斥邪思想에 對하여

        宋堯厚 동국역사문화연구소 2018 동국사학 Vol.64 No.-

        김평묵의 斥邪論은 서양과 관련된 다양한 분야에 대한 관심과 그 본질을 알고자 함이 主가 되지 못하고, 철저하게 성리학적 유교의 華夷라는 이분법적 논리의 中華意識에 매몰되어 서양 것에서는 하나도 배울 것이 없다는 일관된 입장에서 나온 것이었다. 그는 衛正闢邪, 內修外攘이 天理에 해당한다고 보고 오직 천리를 지키는 것만이 성인, 군자들이 할 일이었으므로 그 이외의 모든 諸家의 학문들은 전혀 쓸모가 없다고 보았다. 그의 이러한 서양학문에 대한 극단적인 폐쇄성과 더 나아가 이후의 강력한 정치적 실천성은 당시 조선을 둘러싼 국내외적 정치, 경제 상황을 배경으로 나온 것이었다. 19세기 초 조선에서는 대내적으로 양반 벌열정치의 폐단이 만연하였고 서양의 異樣船艦이 江海의 沿岸에 왕래하며 물자가 교류되고 서양인들이 들어와 천주교도들이 크게 확산되고 있었다. 대외적으로는 중국에 대한 서구열강의 군사적 침략이 가속화되고 있었다. 이러한 대내·외적 상황 속에서 朝野에 위기의식이 높아져 가고 있던 때, 이항로, 김평묵의 노론 산림계는 자신들의 정치적 생존 노선을 찾아야 했고 그 과정에서 극단적이라고 표현할 만한 움직임으로 나온 것으로 생각한다. 거기에는 물론 정치적 주도권을 잡아 가고자 하는 의도도 있었을 것이다. Arguments on anti-heterodoxy of Kim Pyung-mook was based on the dichotomous logical structure of Sino-barbarian theory, the Neo-confucian culturalism. His thought was deeply rooted in the cultural supremacy that Chosun, Korea inherited uniquely the cultural orthodoxy of Ming, China. Therefore, he insistently asserted that neither Catholicism nor scientific technologies including astronomy and military weapons introduced from the West were worthy of embracing. He thought that ‘defending orthodoxy and rejecting heterodoxy(衛正斥邪)’and ‘stabilizing the government and strengthening the national defense(內修外攘)’amounted to the natural principle to have to be kept by saints and virtuous gentlemen, and so that all the other fields of study except Neo-confucianism must not be useful at all. His extremly exclusive attitude to the Western studies and henceforth the politically strong power of execution were originated in the internal and external circumstances surrounding Chosun at that time. Early 19th century, Chosun was pervaded by harm effects of restricted ruling clans, and western warships and merchant ships appeared frequently at rivers and coasts of Chosun. As a result, western merchan-dises were traded and western Catholic missionaries infiltrated into Chosun and in Chosun devotees spread through the country. In Qing, China, military aggression by western powers was accelerated. Under such internal and external circumstances surrounding Chosun at that time, when both in and out of government, perception of crisis was mounting, Lee Hang-ro and Kim Pyung-mook, No-ron faction out of political power, had to search for their own political line. In the course, they showed such extreme ideological tendency and political movement, where intention to grasp the political initiative may be at work.

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