고려시대 八關會 설행 月‧日에 대한 검토

서금석 한국중세사학회 2016 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.45

Goryeo Palgwanhoe was a significant festival event showing Goryeo’s pluralistic world view, and interestingly, it was held two times a year as one seasonal event. Palgwanhoe was held in the capital, Gaegyeong called Hwangdo (Imperial Capital) in November and in the secondary capital, Seogyeong called Seodo in October. The selection of the fifteenth day implies quite a little significance as much as that of the month. I agree to the view that Palgwanhoe has a social integrative function, and present the need to review the time of Palgwanhoe in the context of temporality and spatiality. As much as the significance that Palgwanhoe was presided by the royals, its spatiality was symbolically brought up and the temporality was implied in that festival, reinforcing the purpose which was the intention of space-time integration containing Goryeo’s view of the world. Based on the premise, this study tried understanding the temporality in the same context of the spatiality of Palgwanhoe. Seogyeong Palgwanhoe is closely related to its geographical position in the context of Sudeuk (Virtue of Water) shown in King Taejo’s testament Hunyo. Goryeo held Palgwanhoe in Gaegyeong called Hwangdo in November by getting Geonjawol(November of the lunar calenda) containing Cheonjeong as the cosmological time, while Seogyeong called Seodo was a geographical space related to Sudeuk. Thus, this study examined Palgwanhoe in relation to the thought of Goryeo Odeuk (Five Virtues) in that Seogyeong Palgwanhoe was held in October differently from Gaegyeong’s in November. The fifteenth day also shows its special time significance. The 15th day of the month is related to the change of lunar phases, and the numeral “15” is related to Heaven-Earth Combination and the thought of positive number in the numerical system. The study tried to show that the time when Goryeo Palgwanhoe was held implies its cosmological time.

고려 중기 曆法과 金의 『重修大明曆』“步氣朔術”검토- 『高麗史』 「世家」 11월 朔日 분석을 중심으로 -

서금석,김병인 호남사학회 2014 역사학연구 Vol.53 No.-

고려는 여러 경로를 통해 曆을 받아들였다. 이글의 목적은 고려가 金으로부터 책명을 받은 시점부터 원나라의 공식 曆인 授時曆이 고려에 반포되기까지 금의 역법이 고려에서 실제 행용되었는지 여부를 11월 초하루 일자 계산을 통해 확인하고자 하였다. 이를 확인하기 위해 『金史』 「曆志」에 편성된 (重修)大明曆의 氣朔術을 활용하였다. 금의 대명력 산술에 의해 계산된 11월 초하루가 시간이 지남에 따라 하루 정도 차이가 발생한 부분에 대해서는 다양한 해석이 가능하다. (劉)宋의 祖沖之 대명력이 요나라 賈俊의 대명력에 영향을 주었고 송의 기원력은 楊級의 대명력과 趙知微 대명력[重修大明曆]에 기원이 되었을 것으로 보인다. 대명력이라는 同名의 역법이 각기 서로 다른 氣朔術을 전개하였던 점에서 이를 미루어 짐작할 수 있다. 따라서 요나라 賈俊의 대명력과 금나라의 대명력은 동일한 역법이라고 볼 수 없다. 조지미의 대명력은 금 세종의 명에 따라 1171년에 만들어졌다. 그러나 이 역법은 곧바로 반포되지 않았다. 이 역법은 일월식의 징험을 거쳐 그로부터 10년 뒤에 시행되었다. 이로써 금나라는 멸망할 때까지 조지미의 (중수)대명력은 행용하였으며, 금을 멸망시킨 원에서도 처음에는 이 曆法을 이어 받아 사용하였다. 그리고 원은 고려에 이 曆을 하사하였다. 고려는 원의 수시력이 반포되기까지 금의 (重修)大明曆을 받아들였다고 보여 진다. 본론에서 살핀 10가지 사례를 분석하여 원의 수시력이 고려에 반포되기 이전에 고려는 金의 역법을 받아들였을 가능성이 크다. 이 글은 『고려사』 「세가」에 기록된 11월 초하루 기사를 중심으로 金의 (重修)大明曆의 氣朔術을 적용하여 이를 논증하였다. 금의 (重修)大明曆도 시간이 경과함에 따라 하루의 차이를 보이는 등 괴리를 발생시켰다. 이와 같은 계산상의 時差에 대해 고려는 선명력과 주변국들의 여러 曆을 참고하여 고려에 맞는 曆日을 계산해 냈을 것이다. Goryeo dynasty accepted the calenda system through various routes. This study is purposed to examine if the calenda of Jin dynasty was actually used in Goryeo from the time when Goryeo got the calenda from Jin till the Shoushi calendar, Yuan dynasty’s official calenda was promulgated in Goryeo through the calculation of the 1st day of November of the lunar calendar. To confirm the fact, this study used ‘Gisagsul’, the (Rev)Daming calendar compiled in 「Yeokji」, 『History of Jin Dynasty』. There are several interpretations of why there happens time difference of around one day shown as the first day of November with time calculated by Jin’s Daming calenda arithmatic. Zu Chongzhi’s Daming calendar of Liu Song influenced on Gujun’s Daming calendar of Liao dynasty, and the Song calendar is considered having been the root of Yangji’s Daming calendar and Zhao Zhiwei’s Daming calendar, [Revised Daming Calendar], which can be said that the calendar systems of the same name called the Daming calendar developed different Gisaksul. Thus, Gujun’s Daming calendar of Liao and the Daming calendar of Jin can not be said to be the same calenda system. Zhao Zhiwei’s Daming calendar was made at King Sejong’s command during Jin dynasty in 1171. But, the calenda system was not promulgated right that time. It was enforced ten years from that time through experiencing solar and lunar eclipses. That is, Jin dynasty used Zhao Zhiwei’s (Rev)Daming calendar till the fall of Jin dynasty, and Yuan destroying Jin also used the calenda at first. In addition, Yuan granted the calenda to Goryeo dynasty. Goryo seems to have accepted the (Rev)Daming calendar of Jin till it promulgated the Shoushi calender of Yuan. Based on the analysis of ten cases, it is quite possible that Goryeo had introduced the calendar of Jin dynasty before the Shoushi calendar of Yuan was promulgated in Goryeo. This study proved that by applying Gisaksul, the (Rev)Daming calendar of Jin dynasty centering around the description of the first day of November recorded in 「Saega」, 『Goryeosa』. The (Rev)Daming calendar of Jin dynasty caused a gap such as time difference of a day as time goes by. For the time difference in calculation, Goryeo would have calculated a calenda day suitable for Goryeo by referring to the Xuanming calendar and various calendars from its neighboring countries.

죽음과 함께 돌에 새겨진 고려 사람들의 삶을 세상에 드러내다 -김용선, 『(속)고려묘지명집성』(한림대학교출판부, 2016)-

서금석 한국중세사학회 2017 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.50

조선시대 ‘臘日’과 그 기능

서금석,박미선 진단학회 2014 진단학보 Vol.- No.122

This article is purposed to prove the status of Nabil in the Chosun dynasty. Firstly the study examined the principle of designating the day, Nabil. In addition, the social function of Nabil was examined through hunting on Nabil, Nabyuk used for Nabyangje, Nabyak made on Nabil. As a result, it was found out that Daena which had been a major event performed on Nabil was moved to the Lunar New Year’s Eve, and Nabil was one of the major national holidays of the year for both royal and general families through the Nabil festival and memorial services. Nabil is related to WoDeok (The Five Virtues) by dynasty. Nabil during the Chosun dynasty period fell on the third Mi-il (Sheep day) after Dongji (Winter solstice). As Goryeo revered Su-deok (Water), it designated Nabil to be on Jin-il (Dragon day) which would dam up ‘Water’ of WoHeng (The Five Elements), while Chosun designated Nabil to be on Mi-il (Sheep day) for Mok-deok (Wood). The reason that Chosun set Nabil to be on Mi-il was related to Potae (Seng-Wang-Myo (meaning Sprouting-Blooming- Dormant) Samhap of the Twelve Earthly Branches called 12-Jiji. That is, WoHeng of Hae-Myo-Mi (Pig-Rabbit-Sheep) Samhap is Mok (Wood), the symbol color is blue and the direction is east. Mok of WoHeng is sprouting with Hae (symbol Pig), blooming with Myo (symbol Rabbit), and dormant with Mi (symbol Sheep). According to the calendar system, Dongji (Winter solstice) is the starting point of the year, which means that starting with Dongji, Mi-il around Daehan (Great Cold) could not but fall on the third Mi-il right after Dongji. This shows how the royal family especially regarded Nabil as importantAncient Nabil was a holiday for a festival and memorial service, and the festival contained a function of exorcism. Daena which was an event performed on Nabil Eve in the Han dynasty was a very important festival event which lasted for a few days. But, Daena performed on New Year’s Eve in Chosun was not overlapped with Nabil in the period. It seems, though, that Daena should be examined in the context of the extended Nabil event as one of year-end events. The historical records of Daena in Chosun also show its strong significance in exorcism. According to 『Sejongsilrok』, the ‘Gaedongdaenaeui’ was a big event enough to make the whole capital city boisterous. Just like people wished health and longevity, offering liquor on Sesiboknabil, they enjoyed themselves with relatives on Nabil. After Nabhyangje, King held a banquet to partake of sacrificial food and drink called Umbokteon and let Clown prince, royal family, vice ministers of Six Ministries or higher, Seungji, even Japanese and Jurchens attend the party. The Nabil festival in local society was not so different from that in the royal family. Nabil in Chosun was noticeable in its function of memorial services along with establishment of Confucian culture. It is quite clear that Nabil was a major national holiday of the year rooted deep in the public. Nabil as a lunar December event showed very dynamic activities such as hunting in winter season unlike other seasonal customs. The day was a hopeful day on which the public held a memorial service for the ancestors and greeted a new year, bidding the old year out. 이 글의 목적은 조선시대 납일의 위상을 밝히는데 있다. 이를 위해 우선 납일의 일자 비정의 원리를 밝혀 보았다. 아울러 납일에 이루어졌던 사냥과 납향제에 쓰인 납육 그리고 납일에 제조하였던 납약을 통해 납일이 지녔던 사회적 기능도 확인하였다. 또한 고대 납일에 이루어졌던 중요한 행사인 大儺가 섣달 그믐날로 옮겨 갔던 점도 확인함으로써 납일의 추이를 살펴 볼 수 있었으며, 납일연과 납일 제사를 통해 왕실뿐만 아니라 일반 가정에서도 납일이 중요한 절일의 하나였음을 알 수 있었다. 이러한 납일은 왕조별 五德과 관련이 있다. 조선시대의 납일은 동지 후 세 번째 未日이었다. 고려는 水德을 숭하였으므로 오행 ‘水’의 墓日이 되는 辰日로 납일을 정했고, 조선은 木德으로 未日을 납일로 삼았다. 조선의 납일이 未日인 것은 12地支 三合 五行(德)의 胞胎(生旺墓)와 관련이 있다. 즉 亥卯未 三合의 오행은 木이며 색깔은 푸른색이고 방향은 東이다. 오행 木은 亥에서 生하며, 卯에서 旺하고 未에서 墓하기 때문이다. 동지는 曆法의 주기상 한 해의 출발점이 된다. 따라서 冬至를 시작으로 大寒을 전후한 未日은 바로 동지 후 세 번째 未日이 될 수밖에 없다. 이처럼 왕실에서 납일을 특별히 중요시하였던 이유가 바로 여기에 있다. 고대의 납일은 제사와 축제로서의 절일이었으며, 이때의 축제는 辟邪의 기능을 함께 지니고 있었다. 漢代 납일 전에 행사였던 大儺는 며칠간 지속된 납일 기간 중 매우 중요한 축제 행사였다. 그렇지만 고려와 조선시대 섣달그믐에 이루어졌던 大儺는 납일과 시기적으로 겹쳐지지 않는다. 그러나 大儺는 연말 행사로서 납일 행사의 연장선에서 살펴봐야할 듯하다. 조선시대의 大儺 행사 기록도 辟邪의 의미가 강하였다. 『世宗實錄』의 ‘季冬大儺儀’ 행사는 도성 안을 떠들썩하게 할 정도의 큰 규모였다. 歲時伏臘日에 술을 올리며 長壽를 기원하였듯이 납일에는 鄕黨의 친척들을 크게 모아서 즐겼다. 국왕은 이날 납향제의 飮福宴을 베풀어 왕세자와 종친·육조 참판 이상과 승지뿐만 아니라 왜인이나 야인들까지도 참석시켜 시연시켰다. 궁중이 아닌 지방 사회에서 보여주었던 납일의 축하연도 왕실의 모습과 크게 다르지 않았다. 조선시대 납일은 유교 문화의 정착과 함께 납일의 제사적 기능이 크게 부각되었다. 이것은 일반인들에게까지 깊숙이 자리 잡은 연말의 중요한 절일인 것만 분명하다. 음력 12월의 행사인 납일은 겨울철 사냥과 같은 활동 등을 통해 여타의 세시풍속에서 볼 수 없었던 역동적인 모습을 보여주었다. 이날은 조상들에게 제사하고, 서로 한해를 갈무리하면서 다음 해를 맞이하는 때로 희망에 부푼 時節이기도 하였다.

전라도 지역 고려시대사 연구 현황과 과제

서금석 한국중세사학회 2019 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.58

This study was carried out under the theme of current status and future prospects of the research on history of Goryeo dynasty in Jeolla province. Looking back the achievement of the researches, as a researcher I present a few suggestions based on the future development of the academic society and the exchange and communication between researchers. First, the research results on Jeollado should be presented periodically through the academic conferences. Accumulation of such periodical research results can lead to qualitative growth. Second, it needs to manage the researchers systematically. To improve the quality of researches, the researchers should be managed and placed right, and have them make a presentation by period or research area. Third, the subject of research should be diversified. Recently, the research on geography and transportation showed a potential from a view of diversity. To diversify the theme of research, we should get out of the framework that depends on the efforts of just a few researchers. This is especially true as the status and importance of local history are increasing. Fourth, there need various supports to motivate researchers’ activities, and possible support measures should be preceded. Academic and research institutions can establish excellent paper awards and support researchers by suggesting research topics by field. Fifth, it is required to nurture young researchers. So far, we have been so slow in cultivating young researchers. It is sure that the future of the research on local or regional history is bright if young and promising researchers appear from the provinces and more efforts are being made to study local history.

궁예의 국도 선정과 국호·연호 제정의 성격

서금석 한국중세사학회 2015 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.42

In relation to the country’s name, Marjin and Taebong, there are only a few views from Lee Byeong-do and Park Han-seol mentioned a long time ago and there has been no supplement since then. Lee Byeong-do thought the character, ‘Jin’ in Marjin as abbreviation for ‘Jindan’ meaning the whole East. Park Han-seol connected the character, ‘Jin’ in Marjin to Jin, the name of Balhae, and extended that to Gung Ye’s intension to recover Balhae, following Lee Byeong-do’s view. But, Gung Ye’s desire in building Majin reached ‘Jechuleojin’ shown in 『Han Shu』 and 『I Ching』 more than just implying the Great East. At the point, it is notable that in relation to the character, ‘Shi (meaning begin)’, there is principal that Mokdeok is the beginning based on the Five Elements Co-existence Theory. That is, ‘Jin’ contains quite a strong meaning of ‘Shi’, which sympathizes with the idea that all things originate from ‘Jin’ [Manmulchulhojin]. Gung Ye moved the capital to Cheorwon and tried to build a new world. And as its justification, he found the representation of ‘newness and beginning’ from ‘Jin’. Country’s name, Majin was a tool to represent the legitimacy of Gung Ye Regime, and he would take the pledge ‘to appear as emperor [Jechuleojin]’ through the character, ‘Jin’. Cheorwon was the land of Geumdeok for Gung Ye. His Geumdeok coexisted with Shilla’s, but quite different from that. Gung Ye changed country’s name to Taebong in the 6th year from the foundation of Majin and established the first era name as Sudeok Manse. As a result, his foundation of Marjin and Taebong was naturally handed down from Geumdeok to Sudeok. Finally, Gung Ye handed down to himself, but Taebong means another foundation that Gung Ye’s Sudeok followed his Geumdeok. Gung Ye’s first era name was Wutae. I connect the era name, ‘Wutae’ to Emperor Wu of Han who established the first era year in Chungwon. The establishment of the era year, Wutae is in the same context as country’s name, Taebong. Emperor Wu of Han prayed unification and stability of his empire through Taishan-Fengshan (meaning Rite in Mount Tai). Gung Ye’s wish would also sympathize with Han Wu’s awareness in that he wanted to realize unification of the Three Hans. That is, ‘Wutae’ is a representation of Gung Ye’s world view as Emperor. Seongchek is the first era name in Cheorwon period. Gung Ye’s authority is represented in the character, ‘Seong (meaning sacred)’. It can be said that he regarded his country and himself as sacred in that he established the era name as Seongchek by adding Seong to Chek (meaning books) in his capital, Cheorwon. He would pray that his dream might continue ‘forever’, which was represented in the ear name ‘Sudeuk Manse (meaning Sudeok Forever)’. The Five Elements historical view in dynastic states was a pretext to heighten the legitimacy of a dynasty. Thus, the fact that Gung Ye moved the capital to Cheorwon, changed country’s name from Majin to Taebong, and established the era year implies that the hand down theory above mentioned is combined and the thought of Sumyeong Gaeje (meaning reform of existing system) based on the direct motion theory of Five Deoks is reflected on.

『高麗史』 「樂志」에서 보이는 諸 女人相

서금석,이성원 호남사학회 2013 역사학연구 Vol.51 No.-

이 글은 『고려사』 「악지」에 편재되어 있는 음악 중에서 여인과 관련된 내용을 검토하여 여러 여인상을 그려보고자 하는데 목적을 두었다. 물론 「악지」가 가지고 있는 사료의 시대성에도 불구하고 그것이 찬자들에 의해 선택된 일부라는 점에서 「악지」는 그 자체가 갖는 한계를 충분히 내포하고 있다. 따라서 「악지」에 담아낸 음악에 대한 해석은 조선시대 『고려사』 찬자의 의도를 간과해서는 안 될 것이다. 이런 점을 고려할 때 「악지」에 수록된 여인과 관련된 내용만으로 고려의 여인상을 고스란히 그려내는 것은 제한적인 범위에서나 가능한 일일 것이다. 그렇다 하더라도 이들 노래가 고려에서 불리었던 점을 온전히 부정할 수는 없을 것이다. 그렇다면 「악지」가 고려시대에 보여주었던 여인상의 한 단면을 담고 있었다는 점에 대해서도 소홀히 다루어서는 안 될 것이다. 이러한 관점에서 악지의 노래는 고려의 여인상을 읽어내는 데 중요한 정보가 된다. 「악지」 중 아악과 당악은 궁중・제례 음악으로 주로 쓰였으므로 대단히 격식을 갖추었을 것이다. 따라서 아악과 당악에 표현되었던 여인만으로 고려의 여인상을 들여다보는 것은 한계가 있다. 속악은 흔히 ‘속된 노래’로 당시 일반인과 함께 불렸던 대중가요인 셈이다. 속악에 등장하는 일반 여인과 관련된 노래는 그 여인들이 직접 지어서 불렀다고 볼 수는 없다. 그녀들이 글을 습득할 기회는 없었기 때문이다. 『고려사』 「악지」는 아악과 당악 그리고 속악에서 聖[서왕모・항아]・貴[충렬왕비・공민왕비]・俗[필부의 아내]의 여인상을 층위를 나누어 보여주었다. 아악에서 보여 주었던 여인은 두 명이었다. 공민왕 12년과 16년에 찬제되어 아악으로 연주되었던 음악에 공민왕의 증조모였던 충렬왕비 제국대장공주와 공민왕비인 노국대장공주가 그들이다. 제국대장공주는 원나라 공주로서 고려 국왕의 첫 배필이 되었다는 점에서 의의가 있을 뿐 「악지」에서 그녀에 대한 이미지[象]는 더 이상 찾아 볼 수 없었다. 공주의 등장 의미는 원의 권위를 빌어 고려 국왕의 권위를 드러내고자 하는 데 있었을 것이다. 다만 공민왕비인 노국대장공주는 좀 자세하게 그려져 있다. 그녀는 ‘정숙’하고 ‘엄숙’하였으며 ‘화목’한 모습으로 그려졌다. 또 그녀는 ‘명랑’하였으며, ‘거동이 착하고 성실’하였다. 그리고 노래는 그녀를 ‘법도가 분명’한 여인으로 담아내고자 하였다. 아악은 그녀의 신분이 貴하였으며, 그녀의 행동도 貴하였음을 보여주고자 하였을 것이다. 아악에서 보여 주었던 공주의 이미지는 속악에서 보였던 匹婦의 이미지와 엄격히 구별되었다. 「악지」 당악은 궁중 가무희에서 서왕모와 항아를 등장시키고 있다. 중국의 신화적인 불로장생의 여신인 서왕모 신화는 고려 궁중 음악으로 재연되었다. 서왕모 가무희를 통해 고려는 왕업의 번창과 국왕의 장수를 송축하였을 뿐만 아니라 왕실의 권위를 높여 통합의 계기로 삼고자 하였을 것이다. 「악지」의 서왕모와 항아는 여신으로써 神母의 이미지였으며, 불사의 여신이라는 聖母의 역할도 함께 하고 있었다. 불사에 대한 염원은 生(출생, 삶)과 관련이 있다. 그 염원은 육신의 삶을 벗어나 내세에까지 도달하고자 하였다. 죽음[死]은 역설적으로 불멸[不死]을 염원하는 원동력이 되었다. 生의 담당자인 여인을 택해 불멸의 동인으로 삼고자 하였던 이유는... This study is purposed to describe some images of women by examining the lyrics related to women from the music described in 『Goryeosa』 「Akji」. But despite of the times as a historical material, 「Akji」 already includes some limitation itself in that it is part chosen by the compilers. Thus, to interpret the music described in 「Akji」, we should notice the compilers’ intention of 『Goryeosa』 in Joseon dynasty. It is hard to deny that the songs were sung in Goryeo dynasty although they described the limited images of Goryeo women in the words related to women in 「Akji」, We. therefore, should not neglect the fact that 「Akji」 described a certain image of women in Goryeo dynasty. In this viewpoint, the songs shown in Akji are quite important information to read the image of Goryeo women. Aak and Dangak in 「Akji」 were usually used as Court and Ritual Music, which means they were quite formal. Thus, there is some limitation in reviewing the image of Goryeo women by using only the descriptions of the women expressed in Aak and Dangak. Sokak usually called as ‘a worldly song’ was kind of a popular song sung by the public that time. The songs related to women in Sokak might not have written by the women themselves as they had no opportunity to learn letters. 『Goryeosa』 「Akji」 shows distinguished image layers of the women as Holy [SeowangmoㆍHangah]ㆍNoble [Queen of ChungryeolㆍQueen of King Gongmin]ㆍWorldly [ordinary man‘s wife] in Aak, Dangak, and Sokak. Aak describes two women. They are King Gongmin’s great grand mother as Queen of King Chungryeol, Princess Jekukdaejang and Queen of King Gongmin, Princess Nokukdaejang described in the music played as Aak compiled between the 12th year and 16th year of King Gongmin’s reign. Princess Jekukdaejang has been regarded as significant in that she became the first spouse of Goryeo King as a princess of Yuan dynasty, but there is little image of her described in 「Akji」. The meaning of revealing her seems to have shown Goryeo King’s authority by borrowing the power and authority of Yuan dynasty. But Queen of King Gongmin, Princess Nokukdaejang is described in detail. That is, she is described as ‘chaste’, ‘grave’, and ‘peaceful’, and added that she was ‘cheerful’, ‘kind’, and ‘sincere’. The song also tried to describe her as ’a woman of strict regulations’. Aak intended to show that her behavior as well as her position was noble. The image of the princess described in Aak was strictly distinguished from that of an ordinary man’s wife shown in Sokak. 「Akji」 Dangak shows Seowangmo and Hangah in performance of the Court Play. Chinese Seowamgmo Myth describing the legendary goddess of eternal youth was repeated in Goryeo Court Music. Through Seowangmo Play, Goryeo seems to have intented to not only bless the prosperity of Kingship and King’a longevity, but also provide a momentum for the unity by increasing the royal authority. Seowangmo and Hangah in 「Akji」 were described as the image of a goddess, Holy Mother and they played a role as the Holy Mother called the Goddess of Immortality. The desire of immortality is related to life (birth, life). The desire was to get out of bodily life and reach the future life. Paradoxically, death played as the motive power of the desire of eternal life. This is why they chose a woman in charge of birthing to make a motive of eternal life. Dangak also shows general music and tone color quite different from what is mentioned above. There usually appeared women where there required songs. Dangak expressed the figure of a woman temptingly. And some of them often described the waits of a woman. What is to notice here is the scene of a court lady keeping embroidery and a woman embroidering on pillow and quilt covers. Embroidery usually takes quite a long time and some skill. The songs connected that to the waits of a woman. It can be estimated that embroidery...

‘步氣朔術’ 분석을 통해 본 高麗前期의 曆法 -『高麗史』「曆志」 『宣明曆』과 遼의 『大明曆』 ‘氣朔術’을 중심으로-

서금석,김병인 한국중세사학회 2014 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.38

The purpose of this study is to prove that the Daming Calendar of the Liao Dynasty which has been neglected in the field of research on Goryeo calendar system was used along with the Xuanming Calendar in the early period of Goryeo. To do so, the study reviewed Gisaksul of the Daming Calendar shown in 『Liaosa (History of Liao)』, 「Yeoksangji」 and compared that with the first day of the month recorded in 『Goryeosa (History of Goryeo)』, 「Sega」. The order of Northeast Asian calendar system was related to change of power between political units. Especially with the advent of Khitan in the 10th century, the relationships between Goryeo and Khitan became important as much as those with Song which later joined. Regardless of the Central Plain (Zhongyuan) or Northern people power, unified dynasties tried influence on Goryeo. As a result, Goryeo followed the investitures, era name, and calenda system from them during the period of the Five Dynasties through Song. But it is hard to find a description showing that Goryeo accepted the calendar system from Liao and Jin, And yet it does not mean Goryeo excluded the calenda system of Liao and Jin. The order of Northeast Asian calendar system came to the order of time itself in the area, and it was developed into a system shared. Goryeo was also a member of the order system in Northeast Asia. Even though Goryeo could not develop an independent astronomical calendar, it had high understanding of the calendar system of China (Five Dynasties and Song), Liao, Jin and Yuan. Based on that, Goryeo produced the calenda consistent with its reality and used that. The research earlier conducted reviewed the cases of calculating Goryeo calendar day by focusing on the Xuanming Calendar shown in 『Goryeosa』, 「Yeokji」 and the Daming Calenda in 『Liaosa』, 「Yeoksangji」. The promulgation of the Daming Calenda in Liao had a direct effect on Goryeo enough to have Goryeo change its calendar to the Daming Calenda and apply that to calculate a calendar day. In conclusion, it is proved that Goryeo referred to Liao calendar system to produce Goryeo calendar, inheriting the present Xuanming Calendar and accepting the calendar from Song. Winter solstice and the first day of the lunar month were generally consistent with reality based on Daming Calendar calculation in the period of King Hyunjong’s reign. Researchers used the record of April Eulyu day, the 21st year of King Hyunjong (1030) in 『Goryeosa』 as a ground of Goryeo calendar. To examine and prove the records, this study reviewed the Gisaksul of the Xuanming Calendar and the Daming Calendar. According to the calculation based on the Xuanming Calendar and the Daming Calendar, December of the 20th year of King Hyunjong (1029) was the small month and December of reality was a small month. According to the historical records, Song calendar had the long month and the calendar presented by Taesa had the small month. Thus, we can conclude that Goryeo calendar presented by Taesa accorded with reality. But it does not mean that the calendar by Taesa was superior to that of Song. Taesa’s calendar made an error in lunar eclipse. Based on such historical records, what is proved through the above two calendar calculations is that Goryeo produced its independent calendar by referring to not only Song calenda, but also other routes and ways. Goryeo in the reign of King Hyunjong accepted both the Xuanming Calendar of Tang and the Daming Calendar of Liao, and had a correct calculation system enough to be comparable with Song calendar, that is, Goryeo produced its independent calendar day by referring to those calendar systems.

고려의 曆法 추이를 통해 본 『고려사』 「曆志」 서문의 검토

서금석 호남사학회 2012 역사학연구 Vol.47 No.-

이 글의 목적은 고려의 역법 추이를 통해 『高麗史』 「曆志」 서문을 비판적으로 검토하는 데 있다. 이것은 고려 역법의 성격을 알아보는 계기가 될 것으로 기대한다. 『고려사』 「역지」의 찬자인 정인지는 서문에서 “고려는 별도로 역법을 만들지 않고, 중국의 개력에 제대로 따라가지 못하였다”고 지적하였다. 또한 서문은 “고려는 당의 선명력과 원의 수시력만을 사용하였다”라고 언급하였다. 이와 같은 찬자의 인식은 검증이 필요하다. 이를 위해 먼저 고려의 역법 추이를 살피기 위해 중세 동북아시아에서 보편적으로 지켜졌던 중국 중심의 역법 질서를 살펴보았다. 이를 통해 중국은 지속적으로 고려에 역법을 반포하였으며, 고려도 이를 계속 수용하였음을 확인할 수 있었다. 그러나 「역지」는 이와 같은 역법 수용에 대해서는 전혀 밝히지 않았다. 그리고 고려는 중국의 천문 역법과는 별도로 자체적으로 고려력을 만들어 사용하였다. 고려에서 만들었다고 전해지는 고려력에 대해서는 자세한 보충 연구가 필요하다. 『고려사』 「역지」 서문의 찬자는 중국 역법의 세계관을 통해 역법 질서를 바라보았다. 그러면서도 그는 고려의 역법이 중국의 개력에 제대로 따라가지 못하였다고 지적하였다. 바로 이 때문에 이 글에서는 「역지」가 편찬되었던 시대적 배경을 점검하고 찬자의 인식에 또 다른 의도가 담겨져 있음을 논증하고자 하였다. 「역지」 서문을 분석함에 있어서 찬자가 천문 역법이 최고조로 발달하였던 세종대의 정인지였음을 알아둘 필요가 있다. 결국 「역지」 서문은 조선 초기 성리학자의 시각에서 고려의 역법을 바라보았던 것이다. 「역지」 서문의 찬자는 이상과 같이 두 가지 관점에서 고려의 역법을 겨냥하였다. 즉 하나는 중국적 역법 질서라는 시각에서 고려 역법을 평가하였고, 다른 하나는 세종대에 이룩한 천문 역법의 발달을 경험한 자부심의 발로에서 고려 역법을 바라봤던 것이다. 그는 세종대라는 특별한 시기에 고려의 역법을 특별한 시각으로 바라보았다. 찬자가 “고려는 별도로 역법을 만들지 않고, 중국의 개력에 제대로 따라가지 못하였다”라고 지적한 것은 「역지」에 선명력과 수시력만을 실은 것의 인과관계 때문이다. 즉 찬자는 「역지」에서 선명력과 수시력만을 담은 것에 대해 “고려는 역법을 만들지 않고, 중국의 개력에 따라가지 못하였다”라고 언급함으로써 「역지」의 편성 체제를 변호해버렸다. This study is purposed to review the preface of 「Yeokji」. 『Goryeosa (History of Goryeo)』 critically through the development of Goryeo calendrical science. This is expected to be a moment to understand the characteristics of Goryeo Calendar System. Jeong In-ji, editor of 「Yeokji」, 『Goryeosa』 says in the preface, “Goryeo did not make calendar system and couldn’t follow Chinese calenda reform”. And also he added “Goryeo used only the Xuanming Calenda of Tang and the Shoushi Calenda of Yuan”. Thus, it needs to verify the editor’s cognition. To do so, firstly Chinese-centered calendrical science is examined to review the development of Goryeo Calenda System, which was universally used in Northeast Asia in the Middle Ages. According to the research, China continuously proclaimed its calendrical science to Goryeo, and Goryeo kept accepting that. But, 「Yeokji」 does not show any words about the acceptance at all. Goryeo used its own calendar system regardless of Chinese astronomy and calendrical science. Thus, it is required to conduct further study on Goryeo calenda system made in Goryeo. The editor of the preface of 「Yeokji」, 『Goryeosa』 looked at the order of calendrical science through the world view of Chinese Calendar system. In addition, he pointed that Goryeo Calenda System could not follow Chinese calenda reform. This is why we try to review the background of the time when 「Yeokji」 was compiled, and to prove there might be another intension in such editor’s cognition. Before the research into the preface of 「Yeokji」, we should notice that the editor was Jeong In-ji in the reign of King Sejong when astronomy and calendrical science was at its peak. That is, the preface of 「Yeokji」 was written in the viewpoint of a Neo-Confucian in Early Choson Dynasty. He saw Goryeo calendrical science in two viewpoints: one is that he evaluated Goryeo Calenda System in the respect of Chinese-centered order of calendrical science; and the other is expression of his pride in experiencing the development of astronomy and calendrical science achieved in the reign of King Sejong. In the special period of King Sejong, he saw Goryeo calendrical science in his special viewpoint. The reason he said, “Goryeo did not make calendar system, and couldn’t follow Chinese calenda reform” was the causality that he included only Xuanming Calenda and Shoushi Calenda in 「Yeokji」. He as an editor could not help defending his compilation of 「Yeokji」 showing only Xuanming Calendar and Shoushi Calenda, by mentioning “Goryeo did not make calendar system, and couldn’t follow Chinese calenda reform”.

펄안료용 판상체 알파 알루미나의 제조에 관한 연구

서금석,윤진식,장윤식,박희찬,박성수 한국공업화학회 2005 한국공업화학회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.2005 No.-