http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
- 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
- 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
RISS 인기검색어
- 검색키워드
- 저자 : 박숙희(Bak, Suk-hui) (검색결과 6 건)
- 무료
- 기관 내 무료
- 유료
-
박숙희(Bak, Suk-hui) 한국어문학회 2012 語文學 Vol.0 No.118
This paper examines the tonemic patterns of loanwords in the Gangwon Korean. The descriptive analysis reveals that there are four conditions which can influence tonemic pattern assignment in the tonal dialects of Korean. If the initial syllable had long or double vowel, that word will be Sangseong pattern. If the final syllable were closed, that word will be Pyeongseong pattern. If the initial syllable were closed and the first two syllables were lexical vowel, that word will be Geoseong pattern. If the initial and final syllables were not closed, that word will be Pyeongcheuk pattern. Pyeongcheuk pattern will be realized a little different tonemic patterns, depends on the number and the location of epenthetic vowels. And a syllable with epenthetic vowel will be not the high tone. However, the tonal dialects of Korean are changing into none tonal dialect at a rapid pace. At the result of this, the tonemic patterns which diverged from the tonemic pattern realization rules are increasing. We can see two common phenomena. One is that /H₁L/ pattern is spreading by simplification of tonemic patterns. The other is that Sangseong pattern dissipates. Besides, in Gangwon dialect, Geoseong pattern are replaced by Pyeongcheuk pattern and the innovating pitch form of [HHL?] is spreading.
-
박숙희(Bak Suk-hui) 한국어문학회 2010 語文學 Vol.0 No.109
This paper aims to consider phonological characteristic of inflectional paradigms in Chungnam dialects. The descriptive analysis reveals that there are several characteristic phonological phenomena as follows. (ⅰ)The strong /?/→/?/ vowel raising leads to simplifying endings. And so all endings which start vowel are simplified to ‘-?X’. (ⅱ)When [+coronal] consonants precede endings which start vowel, /?/→/i/ vowel fronting be occurred. And When [+labial] feature precede endings which start vowel, vowel rounding be occurred. (ⅲ)When ‘Xp(<Xβ)-’ meets ending ‘-?X’, ‘u, w?, wa’ which is in the morpheme boundary are deleted. (ⅳ)When ‘Xy-’ or ‘Xø-’ meets ending ‘-?X’, three kinds of inflectional forms are derived. These are ‘Xja/Xj?’, ‘Xwe/Xw?’ and ‘X?a/X??’.
-
-
박숙희(Bak, Suk-hui) 한국어문학회 2014 語文學 Vol.0 No.125
This paper examines the direction of pitch change of the rising tone and tonemic patterns focused on Gangneong, Jeongseon, Andong, and Daegu dialects. The phonetic representation of tone is described as follows with Roman letters : R(rising tone from L to H), ?ˇ (rising tone within L), ?(high and long tone), H(high tone), L(low tone), ?(lower tone). The rising tone has a low(L)-high(H) contour, thus that is longer more than 0.5 mora than others. The change of pitch of rising tone starts from weakening and losing the low-high contour. An than the length of syllable is dissipated. The descriptive analysis reveals that there is a pattern of pitch change of the rising tone; [R]→[?ˇ ]→[?]→[H]. This shows that the dissipating of rising contour leads the pitch to H of the ‘L-H’ contour. The pitch of tonemic pattern is also changed. I can say three patterns of that and those are ‘[RHL?]→[?ˇ HL?]→[?HL?]→[HHL?](Pattern A)’, ‘[RL₁]→[?ˇ L₁]→[?L₁]→[HL₁](Pattern B)’, ‘[RH₁]→[?ˇ ?₁HLⁿ]→ *[??₁HLⁿ]→[L?₁HLⁿ]→[L₁HLⁿ](Pattern C)’. Gyeongbuk Inland Regions shows Pattern A, Gangwon Inland Regions and Gangneong shows Pattern A and C, Pattern B is seen in the said all Regions. Unusually, in Samcheok and the eastern coast of Gyeongbuk, [?L₁] seems to be changing into [HHL?]/[HL₁](mainly into the former). To say something about that, we need further study of those dialects.
-
박숙희 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2001 민족문화논총 Vol.24 No.-
The most strong constraints which dominate various phonological phenomena in vowel sequences in morphological boundaries of Korean is ^*VV constraint. The tone sandhi in combinations of tone is dominated by tone neutralization rules. There are two kinds of tone sandhi. One is the alternation of tonal pattern which is resulted obligatorily from phonological processes of phonemic level. The other is the alternation of tone which is motivated entirely by tonological features of tonal tier. For the description of these phonological phenomena, I employed Gim Cha-gyun's phonology(1981, 1990, 1997) and tonology(1977, 1993, 1999) based on generative phonology. After I compared various phonemic and tonal phenomena in inflectional forms of verbs of ten tone dialects of Korean, I ascertained four regular phonological facts. The first, when one vowel in the given vowel sequence is deleted, the tone of that syllable is deleted also. And that deleted tone is not represented at the surface form. The second, when both vowel in the given vowel sequence are contracted to one with tone contraction, Sangseong(H‥/M) pattern is represented at the surface form. But Gyeongnam Dialect, which does not respect ^*VV constraint, does not have this 'Geoseong(M)+Geoseong(M) →Sangseong(H‥/M)' rule. The third, there are two tone alternation rules. One is 'Pyeongseong(H) →Geoseong(M)'. When {Xa-, X∂-, Xu-} with Pyeongseong pattern followed by {-∂(X)/a(X)} with Geoseong pattern, that Pyeongseong pattern turns to Geoseong pattern. In some dialects, Pyeongseong pattern of {Xu-} is contracted with the following vowel to Sangseong pattern. The other rule is 'Sangseong(H‥/M)→Pyeongseong(H)'. All verbs with Sangseong pattern except about ten verbs which end consonants turn to the verbs with Pyeongseong pattern.
-
박숙희 한국어문학회 2003 語文學 Vol.0 No.80
In this article, I described various tonological phenomena of inflectional forms of the verb 'nagada(나가다)-class' of Gangwon dialect, Gyeongbuk dialect, Gyeongnam dialect. On the foundation of this work, I regard 'nagada(나가다)-class' is a prosodic verb phrase in phonetic level and the underlying tone pattern of this is, for example, 'na#gada(ㆍ나^(#)가ㆍ다)'/M^(#)H_(M-1)M/. And I say that all tonological representations of inflectional forms of this class are very regular. In Andong dialect of Gyeongbuk dialect, [MHHM_(0)] which is very unusual tonological pattern of Gyeongbuk dialect alternates with [MMHM_(0)] freely. And we can say that there might be some tonological assimilation cased by a psychological motivation which pursue simple and universal tonological pattern, because [MMHM_(0)] is one of the most universal patterns of all tone languages in Korean. On the other hand, in Gyeongnam dialect, a very important tonological phenomenon has been noticed. It is that the tonologicaI pattern of [MHHM_(0)](for example,ㆍ나^(#)ㆍ가ㆍ는ㆍ데) of inflectional forms of 'nagada(ㆍ나^(#)가ㆍ다)-class' has been represented systematically as low as 'Sangseong pattern' of [LMMM_(0)]. To say something about this, we should have much more data.
ScienceON
DBpia연관 검색어 추천
이 검색어로 많이 본 자료
활용도 높은 자료
