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        • KCI등재

          논문(論文) : 예수회의 동방 선교와 적응주의 선교 전략의 성립 -프란시스코 사비에르를 중심으로-

          김종건 ( Jong Geon Kim ) 대구사학회 2011 대구사학 Vol.103 No.-

          A Jesuit`s Mission to the East and The Establishment of Adaptationist Missionary Strategy -Through the Study on Francisco Xavier- Kim, Jong-geon [Abstract] As great waves of Renaissance and the Reformation rose on the West Europe, there happened new change in the Catholic Church which had exercised universal domination over Europe, which was the establishment of the Jesuits. The order of the Jesuit set up in 1543 by Ignatius Loyola of Spain participated actively in the missionary work of the East. The Jesuit missionary well equipped with up-to-date academic learning and devout spiritual discipline were detached to the East Asia through India, opening doors of mission for China. The first Jesuit missionary detached to the East was Francisco Xavier. When he was detached to the East, he had the multi secular ranks as an embassador of the Vatican, the representative of the King of Portugal and the pioneer of oversea mission of the Jesuits. He exercised these authorities in his early missionary activities. However, while he was doing his mission works in Japan later, he realized the importance of Chinese mission work for the conversion of the East, being a pioneer of the adaptationist missionary strategy introducing Western scientific knowledges to the Chinese and based on the understanding of the Chinese classics. He who exercised a great effort to open China and died there made a crucial contribution to opening China for mission. The adaptationist missionary strategy initiated by Xavier was succeeded under the guidance of Alessandro Valignano to Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci, who accomplished the strategy in China. Francisco Xavier was the great pioneer of adaptationist missionary in Ming China.

        • KCI등재

          동(洞)지역사회보장협의체 활성화를 위한 사회복지사 참여 과정에 관한 연구 : 부산광역시 민간주도형 지역사회보장협의체 활성화 지원사업의 매니저 활동을 중심으로

          김종건 ( Kim¸ Jong-geon ),배은석 ( Bae¸ Eun-seok ),손지현 ( Son¸ Ji-hyeon ),이미라 ( Lee¸ Mi-ra ) 동의대학교 지방자치연구소 2020 공공정책연구 Vol.37 No.2

          부산광역시는 보건복지부의 읍·면·동 복지허브화 사업의 일환으로 다.복.동 사업을 실시하였고, 사업의 목표를 달성하고자 동(洞)지역사회보장협의체의 활성화를 도모하였다. 이를 위해 부산광역시는 동(洞)지역사회보장협의체 지원단을 구성하였고, 각 동의협의체를 지원하고자 사회복지관에 종사하는 사회복지사를 동(洞)지역사회보장협의체 위원(매니저)으로 위촉하여 그들의 활동을 지원하였다. 이에 본 논문에서는 새로운 역할을 수행해야 했던 사회복지사들의 고민의 과정과 이들의 활동을 살펴보고자 한다. 이를 위해 매니저 활동을 위한 상호 슈퍼비전 모임인 ‘매니저 대화모임’에서 사용한 회의 자료를 내용분석 하였다. 민관협력을 기반으로 주민의 역량을 강화시키고, 동(洞)지역사회보장협의체를 활성화시키기 위한 사회복지사들의 역할과 조직화 방법 및 과정을 살펴봄으로써 협의체 내에서 그들의 활동이 어떠한 의미를 제시했는지 검토하고자 하였다. 분석결과 동(洞)지역사회보장협의체를 활성화하기 위해서는 ‘민관협력을 기반으로 한 주민역량의 강화’가 필요하다는 결론을 도출할 수 있었다. Busan Metropolitan City is a part of the Ministry of Health, Welfare and Welfare’s project to build a welfare hub. This project was carried out and the Commission promoted activation of the Dong Community Social Security Council. To that end, the Commission implemented a project to promote the private-led community security council with support from the Busan Community Chest. We organized a community support group. To support the Dong Community Social Security Council, the Commission appointed social workers working at the Social Welfare Center as members of the Dong Community Social Security Council. In this paper, I will look at the activities of social workers who had to play a somewhat strange role. We will also review the manager’s concerns and efforts to establish his role through the mutual supervision group, ‘Manager Conversation Meeting’. Through these processes, I look at the roles of social workers, ways of organizing, and processes to activate the Dong Community Social Security Council.

        • KCI등재

          논문(論文) : 청말(淸末) 중국(中國)에서의 국채상환운동(國債償還運動) -『신보(申報)』기사를 중심으로-

          김종건 ( Jong Geon Kim ) 대구사학회 2015 대구사학 Vol.121 No.-

          청말 중국에서 전개된 국채상환운동은 헤이그만국평회회의 이후 제국주의 열강이 열악한 중국 재정을 이유로 삼아 중국 재정에 대해 간섭할 것이라는 우려가 민간에 확산되면서 시작되었다. 이 운동은 상인단체를 중심으로 발기되어 교육계, 노동계, 정계, 여성계 등 거의 전 국민들이 이에 호응하면서 그 역량을 확장해 나갔다. 처음 天津에서 제창된 이 운동은 上海, 杭州, 北京 등지에서 적극적인 동조가 이루어지면서 이를 바탕으로 거의 전국적인 범위의 운동으로 확산되었다. 그러나 지나치게 애국주의를 내걸고 의연금 갹출 형식의 방법론에 고착되면서 근본적인 문제점을 극복하지 못하고 소기의 성과를 보여주지 못하였다. 한국 국채보상운동이 1907년에 이미 일어났음에도 불구하고 중국에서 2년 반이나 늦게 본격화 되었다. 이는 1909년말에 이르러 비로소 상인들의 경제적 위기 의식, 신사층의 국회청원운동의 난항 등 기타 요소들이 조합되어 격발된 측면이 있다. 따라서 한국에서의 국채보상운동과 달리 지방장관 등 관료층과 신사층의 적극적인 참여가 돋보인다. 그러나 이와 같이 정치적 배경에서 시작한 측면이 강하였던 만큼 정치적 현안이었던 국회청원운동의 아류로 휩쓸려 들어가면서 국채상환운동의 동력이 현저히 떨어지게 되고 말았다. 또한 경제적 배경에서 시작한 측면이 강하였기에 지역 단위 분담 형식으로 거두려는 외형을 보이게 되었고, 모금이 원활하지 못하게 되면서 그 동력이 상실되고 말았다. 이는 한국에서의 국채보상운동이 근검절약의 실천을 통한 모금운동이 핵심이었던 것과는 근본적인 차이점이라고 할 수 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 청말 중국에서의 국채상환운동은 19세기말 20세기초 반제국주의 운동의 맥락을 잇고 있던 외세배척운동, 외국차관 반대운동, 외국상품 불매운동, 국권회수운동의 연장선상에서 전개된 애국운동이었음은 분명하다. 외채 상환이라는 명분하에 관료, 상인, 학계로부터 기층 서민에 이르기까지, 그리고 북경, 천진, 상해 등 대도시로부터 몽골까지 거의 전국으로 확산된 대중운동이었다. 따라서 이 운동이 이후 중국에서 공화혁명과 신문화운동의 전개를 가져오는데 일정한 기여를 하였다는 점에 대해서는 충분히 주목할 만한 가치가 있다고 할 수 있다. The national debt redemption movement of the late Ch``ing China started, as the anxiety that the imperialist powers would interfere in the state financial affair in the pretext of the Chinese financial weakness spread among the Chinese people. This movement initiated by merchant societies developed by earning ardent response from various groups of people belonging to different realms such as education, labor world, political world, women world, and etc. And it was also widely extended to every important cities like Shanghai, Hangzhou, Beijing etc. after it started in Tianjin. However, it could not overcome the fundamental problems because of its excessive patriotism and inflexible policy about how to collect donation and failed to attain its expected achievement. The national debt redemption movement was raised in Korea in 1907, and the Chinese redemption movement launched two years later, which was due to the Chinese merchants`` consciousness of economic crisis, frustrations in gentry``s petition movement for the establishment of national assembly, and other factors. Consequently officials like magistrates of local administrative districts and confucian scholars actively participated in this movement once it started, which was unlike that of Korea. However, as the Chinese national debt redemption movement was promoted in a strong political background like this, it got closely involved in the petition movement for the establishment of the national assembly and lost the dynamic for the movement itself. As for the method of collecting fund, economic methodology like allocating a fixed share to each region was adopted. So as fund collection was conducted very well, it was natural that this movement lose its dynamic and passion. This is sharply contrasted with the Korean national debt redemption movement, which was promoted by the civilians`` voluntary participation in fund collection through the practice of thrift and saving. However, in spite of these some flaws and limits, Chinese national debt redemption movement which was developed from the late 19th century to the early 20th century was a patriotic movement, which was connected with the anti-imperialist movement like anti-foreign movement, anti-foreign debt movement, foreign product boycott movement, national rights`` reclamation movement. This was literally a national movement, which all classes of people including officials, merchants, scholars and commoners participated in and was geographically performed in all the regions including large cities like Peijing, Shanghai and Tianjin, countrysides and nomadic region like Mongol. This movement made a certain degree of contribution to opening new era, which would be developed by the consequent Republican Revolution and New Culture Movement.

        • KCI등재

          『중국사연구(中國史硏究)』 第1輯(제1집)-第100輯(제100집) 연구성과(硏究成果)의 통계적(統計的) 검토(檢討)

          김종건 ( Jong Geon Kim ) 중국사학회 2016 中國史硏究 Vol.101 No.-

          The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches (中國史硏究) No. 1 which contains 7 writings was published in 1997. It was published annually at first, then twice a year in 1998, three times in 1999, quarterly in 2000, 5 times in 2001, and then finally began to be published bimonthly from 2003. And the volume of the journal has increased rapidly. The first journal was just composed of 190 pages, but it increased to 350 pages in 1999, and has maintained the average volume of 365 pages to the present. The writings carried in the journal were increased to 12 from the 5th journal. Almost the same number of writings are carried in each journal today. As for the writers, 2/3 of them have been domestic scholars and 1/3 have been foreign scholars. Recently the Chinese writers take larger and larger proportion. And as for the regional distribution of the domestic writers’ institution, though the number of the institution in Youngnam region occupies a little higher proportion, generally a balanced distribution is shown in this analysis. As for the language of the writings, writings written in the Korean language occupy 70.8% of all, and those written in the Chinese language take 25.4%. 26% of all the writings carried in the journal were those written with the support of research fund. And especially 37% of the articles were written with the support of research fund, which rate is quite high. And the periodical distribution of the research writings are relatively balanced, though the writings on contemporary age takes relatively a little high proportion. As for the sorts of research subjects, writings of political history and socio-economic history exceed the half on the whole. However, while the writings of these two fields are decreasing today, the writings on the other research subjects like the history of thought & religion, the history of historiography, the history of art, the history of foreign relations are evenly increasing. The unique characteristic of this journal consists first in the fact that this journal carries various kinds of writings such as research articles, research notes, reports, annotated translations, book-reviews, and others, which is unlike the other historical journals just carrying research articles. The second characteristic is that not only domestic scholars but also many foreign scholars from China, Japan, Taiwan, Hongkong and the West have their writings carried in this journal, so the proportion of the foreign scholars’ writings are quite high, which is also greatly distinguished from the other journals in which only Korean scholars’ articles are carried. The third characteristic is that while most of the nation-wide historical journals in Korea are published in the capital area, The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches has consistently been published in Taegu from the first journal to the recent 100th journal. It is expected that The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches shall be much more developed, advanced, and complete in the future, through sincere considerations of what is helpful to the researches on Chinese history upon the research achievements made up to The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches No. 100.

        • KCI등재

          한말(韓末) 언논(言論)의 중국(中國) 정황(情況) 보도(報道)의 내용(內容)과 성격(性格)-1898년 무술변법기(戊戌變法期) 개혁(改革) 관련(關聯) 기사(記事)를 중심으로-

          金鍾健 ( Kim Jong Geon ) 중국사학회 2021 中國史硏究 Vol.- No.130

          They pushed ahead a modern reform movement to overcome the shock of the defeat in Sino-Japanese War and the limit of self-strengthening movement in China from June 11<sup>th</sup> to September 21<sup>st</sup> in 1898. Emperor Guangxi actively promoted the institutional reform, accepting the advises of reformist politicians like Kang Yuwei. However, the 1898 institutional reform movement faced a critical frustration by anti -reform reaction of the conservative. Consequently some reformists figures were arrested, with Emperor Guangxi deprived of the political power. An analysis of the news articles reported in the Korean newspapers for 5 months after June of 1898 when this drastic changes happened in china showed us that though the number of articles concerning Ch’ing China was not so few, the understanding of the Chinese institutional modernization and reform movement was very shallow and superficial. Most of the articles in the Korean papers dealing with the political situation of Ch’ing China was focusing on the relationship between Ch’ing China and other powers, especially the relationship with England, Japan, Russia, France and America. Besides this they minutely introduced the domestical incidents or criminal cases in which Koreans and Chinese were involved in Korea. Even the articles treating the modernization reform of Ch’ing China was mainly concentrated on the issues such as the extension of the new army, the dispatch of military students to foreign powers, the expansion of modern educational institutes, and the encouragement of modern industries like railroad and trade, while their understanding about the political and institutional reforms were not accurate nor abundant enough. They lacked a concrete recognition and consciousness of these kinds of issues. However, it is noteworthy and meaningful that the articles focused on the instructions for the national preservation and development of Daehan Empire, which could be learned from the Chinese experience of exigency and reform policy. This indicates that the press of Korea was relatively taking a good charge of its role and function in enlightening people. Its historical significance can be found in this perspective.

        • KCI등재

          양계초(梁啓超)의 의화단운동(義和團運動) 인식(認識)

          김종건 ( Kim Jong Geon ) 중국사학회 2018 中國史硏究 Vol.116 No.-

          The last 10 years of the 19th century underwent the highest turbulence in the modern China. Sino-Japanese war forced China to completely give up her Sinocentric dignity, and the subsequent division of the land by powers produced various ideological tendencies like conservatism, reformism and revolutionism. Boxer Movement rose at the beginning of the 20th century, provoked by the sharpening invasion and the occupation of the territory by powers, and by the failure of the consitutional monarchy movement promoted in the consciousness of the limit of Yangwu Reform movement, extending to Beijing, Tianjin, and Northern China. Dowager empress, Hsi and her conservative faction which had occupied the government through 1897 Coup officially acknowledged the Boxer's militia to declare the war proclamation against the powers. However, the war ended with the thorough defeat of Dowager Hsi government, with the capital occupied and the 1901 treaty signed. This essay is to survey on the frustrated reformists' perspective on the Boxer Movement, expecially analyzing Liang Qichao's record because he was the leading representative theorist of reformists after coup. Liang as a disciple of Kang Yuwei devoted himself to the propaganda of institutional reform, expecting to have a constitutional monarchy similar to the Japanese in China. He together with Kang Yuwei was compelled to exile himself to Japan after the reformist movement was frustrated, with his 6 colleagues executed. In Japan he published a new magazine, The China Discussion (淸議報), which was popular in and outside of Japan, and himself left lots of essays on political issues in it. On the one hand Liang Qichao was engaged in the movement of supporting the emperor after the frustration of the reform movement, on the other hand he highly estimated the patriotic movement at first when Boxer Movement arose. His positive evaluation of the movement was maintained for a while in the writings published in his name or in anonymity. However, as the Chinese sovereignty was about to be eroded by the war with 8 powers, his tone of argument was changed to the criticism on the their imprudence and absurdity. Liang Qichao took the Boxer Movement as a good example to illustrate the historical research methodologies in his The Methodology of Chinese History (中國歷史硏究法) published in 1921. He especially made an analysis on the background elements of the movement in various structures and classification. At the same time he attempted to estimate the nature of the movement, and suggested important and noteworthy topics concerning the research of the movement. Liang Qichaao highly valued the patriotic motivation of the participant people in Boxer Movement, but criticized them telling their superstitious and blind behavior deteriorated the Chinese crisis. Nonetheless, the fundamental and core element to bring the supreme crisis to China was Dowager Hsi and her conservative faction that bankrupted the institutional reform to keep their private privilege by military coup, he emphasized.

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