김환기의 근대기 작품에 나타난 체험과 감각

김인아(Kim In-ah) 한국근현대미술사학회 2015 한국근현대미술사학 Vol.29 No.-

It is prevalent opinion that Kim Whan?ki from the 1930s to the early 1940s was an abstract artist. As well known, Kim had strong ties with the avant-garde communities of Japan when he was a student there as well as when back to Korea while producing abstract works. Kim later formed a neorealism community with Yoo Youngkuk and Lee KyuSang, where he seeked the ‘Neo-Reality’. He also reflected his interest in korean tradition and antiques in his work while having made an exchange with artists, poets, and writers who had worked through ‘Munjang’ that is literature magazine. That much of the academic literature on Kim’s paintings from this period have been focused on abstract and avant-garde art and orientalism may be a natural consequence of his historical trajectory as the above. As the advanced researches tell, Kim Whan?ki’s interest is not the departure from an object but the way ‘abstractifying’ an object, while pursuing the abstract art. This study also begins from the premise that the key element necessary for interpreting Kim’s abstract art is the way rather than the concept. I would like to go even a step further to argue that the form and content of the abstract in Kim’s work reflect the artist’s personal experiences and emotional sensations. And I’ll argue that such personal experiences-which exist on the outskirts of Kim’s abstract art-are imbued with a kind of romanticism. To illuminate these points, I analyze the abstract features of Kim’s work that appear as geometrical designs in conjunction with the social atmosphere of the era, and also interpret the artist’s personal experiences reflected in the work through references to articles, photographs, and related written works published in the literary magazines of the day. I attempt to show that Kim Whan-ki’s painting which abstractly portrayed the city and machines-symbols of the most cutting-edge elements of civilization- are not simply a matter of style but concrete expressions of the artist’s existential interpretations of nature, life, and modern civilization. It may seem unusual for an artist who interprets the world through the lens of existentialism to pursue such an abstract style. However, at that time, this is not unusual. This is because the avant-garde discourse in those days was developed in each artist’s personal understanding. The experiences of the 1930s that appear in Kim’s work were personal and everyday experiences of modern civilization, and this is why his artwork includes hints at the modernist emotional connection with urban life. Kim’s nostalgia for the modern lifestyle he experienced during his student years in Tokyo occasionally appears as a landscape that is in turn representational or contemplative. These approach is similar to imagism in literature. Kim Gi-rim, a leading Korean modernist poet, defines poetry as the expression of not the mental but the “real” world in writing. Similarly, Kim Whan?ki’s work is an expression of reality as created through the artist’s memories and experiences.

인권에 관한 법제 · 정책 개선의 성과와 과제

김인재(金仁在, In Jae Kim),이발래(李發來, Bal Rae Lee) 한국공법학회 2006 공법연구 Vol.35 No.2-2

국가인권위원회(이하 '위원회'라 함)는 인권에 관한 법령, 제도, 정책 및 관행 등의 개선에 관한 권고와 의견표명을 통하여 지난 5년간 인권보호가 정부 정책의 수립 및 집행과정에서 주요 가치 및 평가지표로 뿌리내릴 수 있도록 노력하였다. 위원회의 권고나 의견표명은 고전적인 자유권 문제, 사회권 문제, 사회적 소수자를 비롯한 다양한 영역에 걸친 인권문제를 모두 포괄하고 있다. 국가보안법 , 사회보호법 및 사형제도, 인권 NAP 권고안, 차별금지법 제정 권고안 등 사회적으로 민감하고 높은 관심을 불러일으키는 주제에 대하여 권고나 연구·조사가 이루어졌다. 이는 위원회가 우리 사회의 인권 문제 전반에 대하여 폭넓은 관섬과 노력을 기울여 우리 사회의 인권 보호와 증진이라는 설립목적을음 충실히 수행하였음을 보여준다. 다만, 폭증하는 주요 인권정책 현안의 처리가 지연됨에 따라 시의성을 상실한 경우도 있었으며, 피권고기관의 권고불이행으로 권고의 실효성 문제가 지적되기도 하였다. 또 대부분의 권고 및 의견표명이 위원회 내부 기획에 의한 정책검토 보다는 외부요청(의견조회 등)에 의하여 행해졌으며, 특정 분야 또는 대상에 대한 계획적·종합적·지속적 개업보다는 계기적·부분적·일회적 정책권고가 행해졌다. 따라서 정책엽무 수행에서 전략적 기획에 의한 선택과 집중 및 사회권 관련 권고 개발이 미흡할 수밖에 없었다. 또한 위원회가 법안에 대하여 의견을 표명하는 경우에도 개별 조문에 대한 의견을 제시하는 선에서 그치거나 법률주의적 관점이 지배적이라는 것과 진정사건의 침해구제에 치우쳐 있었으며, 현재의 법제와 관행에서 인권침해적 요소를 찾아내고 시정하려는 노력은 상대적으로 미약했다는 위원회 외부의 비판이 있었다. 이에 위원회는 위원회법이 요구하는 인권 보호와 증진이라는 설립목적올 달성하가 위하여 사회적 약자 및 소수자의 권리증진을 위한 사회권 관련 정책개발음 동하여 인권영역을 확장하고, 국제 인권가준의 국내 적용을 위한 기반을 구축하고, 인권현안에 대한 대응능력을 제고하는 방향으로 추진될 필요가 있다. 위원회가 국제적인 수준의 인권기구가 되가 위해서는 수동적인 진정사건의 해결이나 법령 검토에 만족해서는 안되고, 인권 현안에 대하여 적극적이고 능동적으로 대응해야 하며 인권에 관계된 법령·제도의 개선에 신속한 대책을 강구해야 한다. The National Human Rights Commission of Korea (NHRCK) has submitted recommendations and expressed opinions on reforming human rights legislation, policies and general practice during the past five years in an effort to establish human rights protection as fundamental criteria of values and evaluation in processes of developing and enforcing government policies. NHRCK recommendations and opinions cover all human rights issues from diverse fields includingissues regarding classical civil rights, social rights and social minorities. Recommendations, research and investigations were conducted on socially sensitive issues or of high public interest such as national security law, social surveillance law, capital punishment system and, recommendations of the roadmap of National Action Plan on human rights. These illustrate NHRCK determination in the mandate to protect and promote human rights in our society by devoting its efforts and broad interest in the length and breadth of human rights issues of our society. Occasionally, due to the delay in response to escalating issues on current human rights policy, integrity was at stake andin other occasIOns, failure to comply withthe recommendation by the recommendee-institution was regarded as a problem in optimizing the effectiveness of recommendations. Also, as the majority of recommendations and opinions are made upon external requests (i.e. inquiry, etc) rather than policy revision based on the internal planning agenda, policy recommendations are opportunistic, partial and isolated rather than considered as planned, comprehensive and continuous interventions. Consequently, in the process of policy-making, choices and motivation based on strategic planning and, recommendations concerning social rights have no alternative but to be inadequate. Furthennore, in regards to cases where NHRCK expresses its opinion about bills, there has been external criticism that the opinion is limited at the point of a particular provision or, it is the case that the perspective of legal principles dominates and the opinion tends to lean towards the remedies of violation complaint cases. Hence, efforts to identify characteristics of human rights violation in the current legal system and general practice and, reform them are relatively weak. Accordingly, in order to carry out the mandate to protect and promote human rights as stipulated in the National Human Rights Commission Act, it is necessary that NHRCK works towards extending the scope of human rights by developing policies concerning social rights in favor of socially underpriviledged and minorities; establishing a framework to integrate international human rights standards as part of domestic jurisprudence and improving its capacity to countermeasure current human rights situations. For NHRCK to become a National Institution of international recognition, it must not be satisfied by passive remedies of complaint cases and revisions of laws but must respond to current human rights issues actively and enthusiastically and, must examine immediate measures regarding the improvement of legislation related to human rights.

재배년수에 따른 삼백초(三白草)의 생육형질간 상관관계

김인재(In Jae Kim),남상영(Sang Young Nam),김민자(Min Ja Kim),윤태(Tae Yun),김홍식(Hong Sig Kim),정승근(Seung Keun Jong) 한국자원식물학회 2006 한국자원식물학회지 Vol.19 No.2

삼백초의 지상부 생육은 1년에서 2년차의 생육은 증가 폭이 컸으나, 2년에서 3년차의 생육은 감소하거나 부진하였다. 1년차에서는 소식일수록 생육이 양호하였으나, 3년생은 밀식할수록 차이가 없거나 감소하였다. 단위면적당 엽수와 경수는 재배년수가 경과하고 밀식할수록 많았다. 경엽(莖葉) 수량이 1년생은 밀식에서, 2년생은 40×10cm에서, 3년생은 40×20cm에서 가장 많았다. 근경중(根莖重)은 1년생에서 2년생은 중량의 증가폭이 켰으나, 2년생에서 3년생은 증가 폭이 둔화되었다. 재식거리간 근경중은 년차 간 고도의 유의성이 있었으며, 경엽중에 비해 매우 높았다. The growth of stem and leaves in Saururus chinensis. in the 2nd year was markedly increased comparing to that in the 1st year, however the growth in the 3rd you was not increased significantly. The growth in the 1st yew was greater in low planting density, while the growth in the 3rd year decreased in higher planting densities. The num- ber of leaves and stems per unit area increased in higher planting densities and later years. The weight of stem and leaves in Saururus chinensis was higher at the highest planting density in the 1st yew, at 40×10cm planting in the 2nd year and at 40×20cm planting in the 3rd year. The weight of rhizome in Saururus chinensis increased greatly in the 2nd you comparing to that in the 1st year, but the increase was insignificant in the 3rd year. The weight of rhizomes in Saururus chinensis showed significant interaction between planting densities and years showed highly significant difference.

역사 속 재일조선인 의료와 복지의 한계 : 현재의 코로나19 속 상황에서 1920년대 전반 오사카방면위원회의 존재적 한계 보기

김인덕(Kim, In-Duck)(金仁德) 한일민족문제학회 2021 한일민족문제연구 Vol.40 No.-

現在地球はコロナ19の危機の中にある。こうした危機は本質的であり、我々の暮らしの現像的側面に対する部分的、臨時的、外面的収集策では絶対克服できないという事実を感知しなければならない。公害と感染、自然の破壊、そして伝染病の伝染につながる現像は、韓国の社会が自然環境であるという側面の本質的制限である。このような問題は個人の次元ではなく社会的、ひいては地球的次元のことと、歴史的、特に哲学的論議は切實といえる。歴史の中で見ると、伝染病と社会福祉は国家と資料の問題のみにの位置づけにはならない。特に在日朝鮮人にとって社会福祉は外傷的に存在したと見える。歴史的に見ると、国家と資料を統制しなければ、破局の道を歩んでしまった記録が多く存在する。とりわけ軍国主義日本がこれを示す代表的存在と思う。生は死を前に提議するときに本源的意味があるといえる。こんな人間は構造の中の日常を生きてゆく。在日朝鮮人にとってその世界は単純構造ではなく、集團的統制の中で共同体構成員として生きていったのである。彼らにとって日常は罪の悪に思えるかもしれない。渡港した在日朝鮮人は、都市の下位社会に編入された。彼らは部落民と同等な水尊であるか、これを下回る困難層として存在した。彼ら在日本人の暮らしは始まりからトラウマだった。日常で彼らが安全な居住空間を確認保するのは絶代容易ではなかった。すると、在日朝鮮人は社会福祉の対象で在らなければならなかった。 しかし、方面委員会を通して大阪府の社会福祉事業は、朝鮮の人々を構造的かつ本質的に差別し、社会福祉の名前は無実であった。結局、在日朝鮮人は、社会福祉と医療の死角地に存在しなければならいた。このように、日帝は帝國の構造の中で、植民主義を被壓迫狀態の植民地民に制して日本社会の中在日朝鮮人を福祉以外の空間に位置づけていった。どうやら、大阪府の方面委員会は、その実とすることができる。在日朝鮮人は対象化されている中で、統制の対象として存在した。この研究は、日常の医療と福祉の植民地的限界と、統制構造の反人道と危險性を指摘するための小さな試みです。 Currently, the Earth is in the midst of a crisis of covid-19. We must recognize that such a crisis can never be overcome by a partial, temporary, or external remedy for the phenomenon aspects of our lives in nature. The phenomenon that leads to pollution, contamination, destruction of nature, and the creation of infectious diseases are another pattern of intrinsic limitations that our society is deviating from. Such a problem is not at the individual level, but at the social and even global level, and historical and especially philosophical discussions are urgently needed. In history, infectious diseases and social welfare do not result only in problems of state and capital. In particular, social welfare seems to have been traumatic for Koreans in Japan. Historically, if the state and capital are not controlled, there are many records that have led to a catastrophe. In particular, I think militaristic Japan is a representative of this. Life can be said to strengthen its original meaning when it presupposes death. Such a human being lives his daily life in a structure. For Koreans living in Japan, the world was not just a structure but a member of a community under collective control. For them, daily life may have been considered a sin. Korean residents in Japan were incorporated into lower-class urban communities. They existed as poor people who were equal to or below the level of the villagers. The lives of these Koreans in Japan have been traumatized from the beginning. It was never easy for them to secure a stable living space in their daily lives. Then, Koreans in Japan should have existed as an object of social welfare. However, the Osaka government’s social welfare project through a welfare committee has structured and essentially discriminated against Koreans from Japan. The name of social welfare was a nameless one. In the end, Koreans in Japan had to exist in blind spots of social welfare and medical care. As above, Japan forced colonialism to the oppressed colonists in the structure of the empire and established itself in a space other than welfare for Korean residents in Japanese society. In a way, the Osaka Prefecturel welfare Committee is the very essence. Korean residents in Japan were subject to control while being targeted. This study is a small attempt to point out the colonial limitations of everyday health care and well-being and the anti-humanity and risks of the control structure.

연구논문 : 미얀마 꺼잉족(Kayin)의 종족성 변화와 그 현대적 의미

김인아 ( In A Kim ) 한국동남아학회 2012 동남아시아연구 Vol.22 No.1

The purpose of this study is to examine the ethnicity of Kayin by the era and identify the people who can be classified as Kayin, nowadays. Specifically speaking, this study aims to review how the ethnicity of Kayin has been socially used in the relation between British colonial government and Burma, in accordance with the each era of the history of Myanmar (from dynasty era to modern times), and its results today. Kayin`s ethnic identity was formed through a complex social and historical process. When we think of Kayin, we come up with political ideology group, like ``KNU``, which was formed since the independence of Myanmar; and focus on the religious characteristics that they consist of the Christianity. The identify of Kayin, that refused to participate in the federal system; requested for the construction of an independent Kayin`s focused on Kayin ``people``; succeeded in militarization, has been often recognized limited to KNU and Christian. However, in fact, Kayin consists of various sub-groups as well as political ideology group like KNU`s Christian members. Their residential areas is diverse throughout the entire area of Myanmar, and there are huge differences in the tradition of material living, such as language, religion, food, clothing and shelter; and cultural difference like living economy, among themselves. Kayin`s residential quarters are widely scattered and the exercise of powers focused on Burma made the movement of Kayin`s the population frequently. Due to frequent population movements, Kayin had to face social and cultural environment and the new relationship with other tribes, when they settled down in the new places. It had the effect on the formation of Kayin`s ethnic identity and its changes. Such frequent population movements became the obstacles for Kayin to establish their own population area. Thus, It was almost impossible for Kayin to acquire the land, so that they could exercise autonomy, based on Kayin`s ethnicity. The majority of Kayin are still in the economic underclass. Most of them are engaged in small-scale hawking, simple manual works, driving and cleaning; living relatively underdeveloped life. Thus, having a status of Kayin, symbolizes poverty, cultural backwardness, and educational backwardness. So Kayin do not seem to need to acquire Kayin`s status. In case of Kayin, dwelling in central/southern area, they frequently come into contact with Burma through active economic activities, and they almost lost their identity, when the structural confrontation is removed and there is no cultural difference. However, Kayin, dwelling in the south eastern area where they had to acutely confronted, still have their identity. However, they are facing the situation in which they have to seek a new way to survive, because the structural confrontation is over, and they are having dual form of ethnic identity. They acquired the identity of Kayin and other tribes(mainly Burma) at the same time, and optionally selected their status. On the other hand, in case of Kayin in the norther area where there was no available transportation with other tribes, many of them recognize their ethnicity as new ethnicity which are totally different from their ethnicity. Especially, self-administered districts have been recently granted to Pao; and they are classified as different ethnic group from Kayin. Thus, today, Kayin has almost perished and only small number of Kayin barely keep their name.

정주와 이주사이의 동아시아; 일제강점기 오사카 조선촌의 식문화

김인덕 ( In Duck Kim ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2013 동방학지 Vol.163 No.-

전후 암시장과 조선촌에서 출발한 재일조선인의 일상적인 가정요리가 지금은 일본 사회의 식생활에 자리매김되면서 외식산업, 유망 업종으로 성장해 가고 있는 것도 부정할 수 없는 사실이다. 오사카 조선촌은 일제강점기 이후 재일조선인 문화 속 식문화의 중심적 역할을 하고 있다. 그것은 역사성과 현재성에서 확인된다고 할 수 있다. 재일조선인의 다문화공생적 요소를 식문화는 공간에서 식민지성을 유지하면서도 표출하고 있다. 그 중심이 조선촌이다. 식민주의적 관점에서 볼 때, 오사카 조선촌 중심의 조선 문화가 일정하게 일본 내에서 형성되는 것을 존중해야 한다. 그리고 일본 정부가 이를 정책적으로 지원하여 이른바 조선시장을 공설시장으로 만들 것을 주장하기도 했다. 오늘날에도 재일조선인의 삶은 조선촌으로 대변할 수 있다. 역사적으로는 재일조선인이 조성한 조선촌은 조선의 ‘해방구’였다. 일본어도 제대로 모르는 채 낮 동안의 노동에 시달린 조선인이 밤이 되어 돌아왔을 때 아무 거리낌 없이 쉴 수 있는 곳이 바로 조선촌이었다. 고추가루, 김치, 조선말이 있어 그 가운데만 있어도 위안이 되는 장소였다. 조선촌에서는 지연과 혈연적 상호부조가 잘 이루어졌으므로 취직 등 생활상의 편의를 쉽게 얻을 수도 있었다. 최근의 식문화를 놓고 볼 때 한국문화의 발신지의 역할을 하고 있다. 역사성과 함께 오사카 조선촌은 한국 음식의 본거지가 되고 있다. 다양한 한국 음식과 문화가 이곳의 이미지를 형성하고 그 속에서 재일조선인 문화는 일본 사람을 모아내고 있는 것이다. 전전의 일본 정부가 파악하듯이, 재일조선인은 일본에 와 있는 동안에는 무엇보다 돈(金)이 중요했다. 때문에 먹을 것이나 위생, 생활의 즐거움에 대해서는 부차저인 것으로 생각하기도 했다. 따라서 식사는 주로 밥과 소금, 야채로 해결하고, 부식은 장, 츠케모노, 생선 말린 것 등이 전부인 생활도 했다. 주요한 것은 식문화는 사실 생활의 필요에서 삶을 유지하는 방편이었기 때문에 유지되기도 했다는 점이다. 필자는 한민족의 고유한 식문화의 장점을 살리려는 노력이 다양한 지점에서 전개되지 않으면 재일조선인의 독특한 식문화의 유지, 발전은 어려다고 생각한다. 그것은 일본 사회가 갖고 있는 본질에 기인한다고 생각한다. Since the broken of war, some of typical food from Chosun villages in Japan now became normal home meal for Japanese. It is inevitable that these foods being food service industry with good prospects. Osaka Chosun village has been having a main role of food culture since Japanese colonial era. It is clearly shown by history and nowness. Commensal multi-culture fact of Korean residents in Japan would be shown by food culture and Chosun village is in the center. From a colonial point of view, Osaka Chosun village should be acknowledged that chosun culture were partially rooted by Chosun village. Also, Japanese government supported in policy and they urged made this town as a public market. Still, the life of Korean residents in Japan would be symbolized by Chosun village. Historically, a town where Korean residents in Japan made was their own area under rebel control. A foreigner who was not able to speak Japanese had a rough day and he or she were getting their own rest at Chosun village. Red pepper powder, Kimchi, and Korean was there so that they were being comforting. Not only psycological comfort, but regionalism, kinship were made their life in actual ways. When we see the current food culture, this was the place of dispatch for Korean culture. With the historic facts, Osaka Chosun Village(Korean Village) is now base of Korean food. Various foods and culture made brand new image of Korea and Korean culture by Japanese. As previous Japanese government known, Korean residents in Japan thought money was their key problem. Therefore food, hygeine, life, interests were all secondary thoughts. They normally had meal with rice, salt, vegetable and additionally they had certain sauces, tsukemono, and a bit of fishes. Bottom line is that food culture could have been sustained because they had to eat in certain ways. I myself strong believe that an effort which Korean residents in Japan made to retain Korean own food culture eventually developed Korean residents in Japan`s unique food culture. Without this, we could not imagine current Korean food culture. This clearly arose from essence of Japanese society.

바위솔속 엽육조직 세포 내 액포의 미세구조 분화 양상

김인선,Kim, In-Sun 한국현미경학회 2009 Applied microscopy Vol.39 No.4

다육질성 CAM 식물에서는 구조와 기능의 분화가 환경조건에 잘 적응된 합리적인 광합성을 수행하여 동일한 엽육세포에서 $CO_2$ 고정, 유기물 합성과 저장, 분해 및 활용하는 시간이 서로 다르게 나타난다. 이러한 유기산 대사는 CAM 식물의 가장 뚜렷한 대사적 특징으로 밤에 말산을 합성하여 액포에 저장하고 낮에 이용하므로 이들의 액포는 급격한 pH의 차이를 일주기성으로 조절해야 하는 매우 중요한 세포소기관이다. 본 연구에서는 식물체 내 생리적 건조가 지속되어 CAM 광합성을 수행하는 바위솔속 식물 3종의 다육질성 엽육조직 세포의 특성을 액포 구조분화에 초점을 두어 미세구조적으로 연구하였다. 바위솔속의 다육질성 엽육조직은 수분저장성 세포들로 구성되어 있으며, 액포융합 등의 액포화현상과 액포 내 다양한 2차 액포형성이 현저한 구조적 특징이었다. 이들 액포는 매우 역동적이어서 분열하여 다수의 소액포를 형성하거나 소액포들의 융합으로 큰 액포를 형성하였고, 일부는 전자밀도가 높은 저장성 액포로 발달하였다. 이러한 액포화는 세포의 크기를 경제적이고 에너지 효율적으로 증가시키는 방식으로 대부분의 다육질성 CAM 식물에서 발달하며, 낮과 밤에 일주기성으로 반복되는 세포 내 pH 농도의 급격한 변화를 대처할 수 있게 한다. 또한, 막 함입에 의한 다양한 크기의 수많은 2차 액포 형성은 단 기간 내에 액포막의 용적을 증가시켜 이러한 목적을 충족시켜 주는데 일주기적으로 사용되는 매우 중요한 세포 내 구획이 된다. 액포의 신장으로 세포질은 세포벽 주변부위로 밀려나 얇은 층으로 국한되었으나, 이들 세포질 내에서도 엽록체와 미토콘드리아는 액포와 밀접하게 연관되어 분포하고, 세포 간에는 원형질연락사가 잘 발달하였다. 이러한 미세구조들의 발달은 다육질성 엽육세포가 일주기성으로 급변하는 세포 내 유기산 대사과정에 적응하기 위해 액포에서의 신속하고 원활한 대사물질의 수송이 이루어져야 하기 때문일 것으로 추정된다. In the present study, ultrastructural features of the mesophyll tissue have been investigated in Crassulacean acid metabolism (CAM)-performing succulent Orostachys. A large central vacuole and numerous small vacuoles in the peripheral cytoplasm were characterized at the subcellular level in both developing and mature mesophyll cells. The most notable feature was the invagination of vacuolar membranes into the secondary vacuoles or multivesicular bodies. In many cases, tens of single, membrane-bound secondary vacuoles of various sizes were found to be formed within the central vacuole. multivesicular bodies containing numerous small vesicles were also distributed in the cytoplasm but were better developed within the central vacuole. Occasionally, electron-dense prevacuolar compartments, directly attached to structures appearing to be small vacuoles, were also detected in the cytoplasm. One or more huge central vacuoles were frequently observed in cells undergoing differentiation and maturation. Consistent with the known occurrence of morphologically distinct vacuoles within different tissues, two types of vacuoles, one representing lytic vacuoles and the other, most likely protein storage vacuoles, were noted frequently within Orostachys mesophyll. The two types coexisted in mature vegetative cells but did not merge during the study. Nevertheless, the coexistence of two distinct vacuole types in maturing cells implies the presence of more than one mechanism for vacuolar solute sorting in these species. The vacuolar membrane is known to be unique among the intracellular compartments for having different channels and/or pumps to maintain its function. In CAM plants, the vacuole is a very important organelle that regulates malic acid diurnal fluctuation to a large extent. The membrane invagination seen in Orostachys mesophyll likely plays a significant role in survival under the physiological drought conditions in which these Orostachys occur; by increasing to such a large vacuolar volume, the mesophyll cells are able to retain enormous amounts of acid when needed. Furthermore, the mesophyll cells are able to attain their large sizes with less energy expenditure in order to regulate the large degree of diurnal fluctuation of organic acid that occurs within the vacuoles of Orostachys.

1960년대 흑인민권운동의 전환점

김인선(Kim, In-Sun) 부산경남사학회 2012 역사와 경계 Vol.85 No.-

1960년 2월 1일 흑인대학생 4명이 노스캐롤라이나 주 그린즈버러에서 백인전용 간이식당에 앉음으로써 미국 남부 전역으로 연좌시위의 물결이 확산되었다. 소위 간이식당 연좌시위라 불린 이 항거는 미국 인종차별철폐 투쟁에서 획기적인 사건이었을 뿐만 아니라 1960년대 새로운 학생운동의 탄생을 예고하는 전조가 되었다. 그린즈버러 연좌시위는 흑인민권운동에 새로운 생명을 불어넣고 유례없는 승리를 가져왔다. 게다가 1960년대 사회적? 정치적 격변의 전 과정에서 전략적으로 그리고 전술적으로 지대한 영향을 끼쳤다. 또한 연좌시위는 기존 민권조직의 활동과 지도부로부터 단절된 독자적인 흑인학생 지도부를 배출했다. 연좌시위 이후 흑인학생들이 주도권을 잡고 운동의 방향과 전략을 새롭게 결정하기 시작했다. 무엇보다 연좌시위의 가장 큰 의의는 비폭력학생협력위원회라는 조직을 창출함으로써 새로운 운동지도부를 탄생시키고 민권운동에 활력을 불어넣었다는 점이다. 본문에서 언급하겠지만 비폭력학생협력위원회는 단순한 운동조직을 넘어 하나의 운동이 되었다. 이들은 관료주의적 계서제나 특정 강령을 일체 거부하고 운동에 헌신했다. 비록 이 조직이 마틴 루터 킹과 같은 걸출한 지도자를 배출하진 못했지만 조직원들은 미국백인사회의 인종차별에 맞서 운동의 최전선에서 대활약을 펼쳤다. 이런 측면에서 그린즈버러 연좌시위는 1960년대 흑인민권운동의 전환점이라 할만하다. 그리고 바로 이 점이 그린즈버러 연좌시위와 비폭력학생협력 위원회가 1960년대 미국사회에서 갖는 중요한 의미이다. 하지만 기존 연구는 연좌시위 참가자와 참여 동기에 집중된 반면 연좌시위의 결과에 대해서는 그다지 관심을 기울이지 않았다. 따라서 이 글의 목적은 격변의 60년대에 연좌시위가 갖는 의미를 제대로 자리매김 하는 것이다. On February 1 1960, four black students sat-in at a segregated lunch counter in Greensboro, North Carolina and a wave of sit-ins swept the American South in the spring of 1960. The so-called “Lunch counter sit-ins” was a pivotal step in the struggle for racial equality in the United States and also foreshadowed the student protest that became emblematic of the 1960s. The Greensboro Sit-ins pumped new life into the black civil rights movement and enabled it to win unprecedented victories. Moreover, it exercised a profound tactical and strategic influence over the entire course of social and political upheavals of the 1960s. The Sit-ins were the product of an independent black student movement which represented a radical break from previous civil rights organization and the established leadership of the Black community. With the sit-ins, Black students take the lead and chart new directions and strategies of their own. Most of all, I suggest that the 1960 sit-ins by black college students have been credited with revitalizing a Civil Rights struggle and new leaders emerged and a new organization was created - the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee(SNCC). As reviewed above, SNCC was more a movement than an organization, for no bureaucratized structure can contain their spirit, no printed program capture the fierce and elusive quality of their thinking. And while they have no famous leaders, they were clearly the front line of the Black assault on the moral comfort of white America. Thus, the Greensboro Sit-ins was a turning point of the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s. This is why that I concentrate on Greensboro Sit-ins and SNCC in the 1960s. Until now, however, many studies have answered two vital questions: who joined the sit-ins and why? There were little attentions: what was the result of the sit-ins? The purpose of this paper is to examine the meaning of the Greensboro Sit-ins in the turbulent 60s.

1964~1965년 미시시피 자유여름에서 김 인선백인여성의 경험과 젠더인식

김인선(Kim In-Sun) 부산경남사학회 2006 역사와 경계 Vol.60 No.-

In the Mississippi Freedom Summers of 1964 and 1965, northern white women volunteers left their comfortable communities to work in the southern direct action civil rights movement. Their experience in the South stands as a case study of institutional sexism in an integrated movement dedicated to racial equality and social change. The institutional sexism they encountered was, for the most part, unconscious and unanalyzed. It was also analogous to the institutional racism they carried with them as part of their own northern white upbringing. To the extent that this is foremost an analysis of problems and failures within what was an exciting and dynamic movement, it tends to obscure the joy, optimism, and humanism which infused a great deal of movement life and work. This examination stands, however, as a case study of women's roles in a movement that saw inequality in terms of race and class and not in terms of sex. The concept of institutional sexism aids in understanding women's daily life in the movement. Job assignment and responsibilities, and ‘sexual test' were clearly sex-role stereotyped. Women volunteers were under double jeopardy for competent performance of their jobs and often caught full-force hostility generated against all whites. In terms of interpersonal dynamics black and white women alike were dehumanized and objectified by black and wite men unable to escape their sexism in just the same way that white volunteers unconsciously carried their racism wit them to the South. The tensions between black men and women and white women were impossible to overcome without an analysis of the sexism of society and the projects in particular. The Freedom Summers tried to bring black Americans into the mainstream of American society, but they never questioned the unequal status of women and men in that society.

상한론탕제(傷寒論湯劑)에서 대황(大黃) 1일 복용량과 추출법

김인락 ( In-rak Kim ) 대한본초학회 2016 大韓本草學會誌 Vol.31 No.3

Objectives : The purpose of this study is to assume the size of sliced piece, daily dose and extracting Method of Rhubarb in Treatise on Cold Damage Diseases. Methods : I contrast results of recent studies with assuming results based on original text of Treatise on Cold Damage Diseases. Results : Daily dose was 6, 4 or 2 Ryang in case of cutting Rhubarb in bean-size. These prescriptions were decocted with water or sinked in boiled water. Another daily doses were large baduk-piece size 6 units and baduk-piece size 6 units in case of cutting Rhubarb in size bigger than bean. The former was used in adding to the Jisilchijasi-tang in case of constipation, the latter was used in Sihogayonggolmoryeo-tang and Jeodang-tang. The size of large baduk-piece was 2.32 cm in width, 4.64 cm in length, 4.3 g in weight, and the length and weight of baduk-piece was half of that was. Two sizes of Rhubarbs were sunk in water for 12 hours. After decocting the other ingredients, mixed Rhubarb extraction and Rhubarb, and then boiled it for 1 minute. Conclusions : From this study, daily dose of Rhubarb was 6, 4 or 2 Ryang and the 6 pieces of large baduk-piece or baduk-piece are respectively 4 or 2 Ryang. The extracting methods was decocting, sinking in boiled water for short time, sinking in water for long time and then mixing these with other decocted solution.