스페인어 L2 학습자들의 [Bare NP+Complex Locative PP]구조 습득

곽재용 ( Jae Yong Kwak ) 한국스페인어문학회 2012 스페인어문학 Vol.0 No.63

Los adverbios locativos arriba, abajo, adelante, atras, adentro y afuera, a los que denomina Pavon Lucero(1999: 610-612) ``adverbios nominales intransitivos``, son direccionales y tienen naturaleza deictica (cf. Eguren(1999: 968). Los aprendices coreanos de EL2(Espanol como segunda lengua) consideran dichos adverbios como adverbios lexicos que estan registraado en el Lexicon, por lo que no pueden tener una accesibilidad lexico-sintactica para interpretar las oraciones como “Juan se escondio bosque adentro.” cuya derivacion del SP locativo complejo se obtiene mediante la propiedad parametrica de la categoria funcional Asp del idioma espanol(cf. Tortora(2008)) y la intuicion basada en la evolucion diacronica de las preposiciones locativas romanicas(cf. Corominas & Pascual(1989), Rigau. & Saldanya(2007)). Hemos insistido en que los aprendices pueden producir en el proceso de la adquisicion unas expresiones de la interlengua que son legibles en la interfaz-FL(Forma Logica) tanto para los hablantes de L1 como para los aprendices de L2 desde el punto de la vista de la UG de Chomsky(1995).

어근에 기초한 스페인어 동사변화형 학습

곽재용 ( Jae Yong Kwak ) 한국스페인어문학회 2016 스페인어문학 Vol.0 No.79

The acquisition or learning of the rich verbal morphology is not an easy task for speakers whose language does not have it. Moreover, most learners of Spanish as L2 suffer some difficulties in learning verb conjugation due to some unexpected changes of radical vowel and agreement morpheme. It is hard for learners to store and use them effectively and quickly. We want to emphasize that the radical vowel change in finite forms like dipthongization (o>ue, e>ie, u>ue: poder, querer, jugar) or raising (e>i: pedir) is related to the morphophonological rules and this kind of vowel alternation should be treated as a rule-governed phenomenon. It is well known that the verb estar, conventionally treated as a irregular verb, never shows a radical vowel change but shows the irregular pattern in the agreement morphemes. In this case, learners store its pattern of agreement morphemes as a irregular one because they are not predictable according to the morphophonological or morphosyntactic property of the verbs with ending ‘-ar’ in Spanish language. We try to show that learning should not be directed to the lexical base [Root + TV(Theme Vowel, Vocal Tematica)](cf. Bermudez-Otero(2013), but to the structure of [Root + agreement morpheme](cf. Embick(2010, 2012) under the assumption that all the finite and non-finte forms are derived from the structure [Root + abstract morpheme].

스페인어 복합형 상대최상급 구조의 통사적 특성

곽재용 ( Kwak Jaeyong ) 한국스페인어문학회(구 한국서어서문학회) 2017 스페인어문학 Vol.0 No.82

In this paper, we will make an syntactic analysis of the so-called Complex Relative Superlative Constructions(henceforth CRSCs) in Spanish. Bosque & Brucart(2002) and Rohena-Madrazo(2007) explain that the Spanish CRSCs are composed of a definite article, degree quantifiers(mas/menos) and a coda with prepositional phrase. They argue that the definite article is generated out of the relative clauses and does not have a direct relation with the embedded degree quantifier. We will show that the raising of degree quantifier in the CRSCs can be explained according to the Split Comp Hypothesis of Rizzi(1997). With this assumption, we will assume that the D-feature for the superlative interpretation is realized inside of ForceP. We will further show that there is a parametric variation in the Spanish of Puerto Rico, Canaria, Venezuela and Argentina with respect to the realization of the sequence ` el que` in Free Relatives.

Corporate Reading을 갖는 스페인어 임의적 복수 구문의 영주어 pro

곽재용 ( Kwak Jaeyong ) 한국스페인어문학회 2023 스페인어문학 Vol.- No.109

In this paper we examine the Spanish null subject pro of Corporate Reading whose realization is displayed with the third person plural verbal agreement of the agentive predicate. The Corporate Reading is related to predicates such as ‘entregar el correo(deliver the mail)’, ‘operar a pacientes(operate on patients)’, ‘aumentar los impuestos(raise taxes)’ which are associated with a designated group carrying out the activity (e.g. carteros(postmen), médicos(doctors), and gobiernos(governments) (cf. Pesetsky(1995)). In English, the overt pronoun ‘they’ is used for the Corporate Reading, but in Spanish, the null pronoun pro is used. To make a detailed analysis of Spanish Corporate Reading, we present a description of this phenomenon and its relation with Arbitrary Plural Constructions(cf. Jaeggli(1986)). Then, we make a syntactic-semantic analysis of the aforementioned constructions along with Agent-defocusing, existential and universal reading and the se-impsersonal constructions. We propose that the third person plural agreement and the agentive null subject pro are morphosyntactic prerequisites for Spanish Arbitrary Plural Constructions with Corporate Reading.

교육과정(2009) 수록 형용사 범주의 -mente형 부사 파생에 대한 소고

곽재용 ( Jae Yong Kwak ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해지역원 2013 지중해지역연구 Vol.15 No.3

En el Curriculo Nacional(2009) se encuentran listadas 897 palabras. Entre ellas, los 117 adjetivos pueden admitir el sufijo `-mente`` para la adverbializacion. El Curriculo Nacional(2009) muestra que no es necesario incluir todos los adverbios en -mente en la lista del vocabulario basico debido a la precondicion de permitir la derivacion adverbial en ``-mente`. En cierto sentido, como explica Torner Castells(2005: 212), el sufijo ``-mente`` no parece consistir mas que en producir un cambio de categoria de adjetivo a adverbio. Sin embargo, es natural reconocer que los aprendices principiantes suelen tener dificultad de distinguir cuales son los adjetivos compatibles con la adverbializacion en -mente dado que ellos, los no nativos, no tienen intuicion lexica. El presente trabajo esta dedicado a la discusion sobre la carga de aprendizaje de los adjetivos que pueden derivarse en los adverbios en -mente porque estos son las palabras con morfologia y tienen una gran relacion con la morfosintaxis y la semantica.

제한적 관계절에 나타나는 스페인어 관계한정사 cuyo의 통사적 특성

곽재용 ( Jae Yong Kwak ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2015 지중해지역연구 Vol.17 No.1

In this article, we argue that the spell-out condition of the Spanish relative determiner CUYO is structurally related with [+WH] complex relative construction under the basic hypothesis that the [Φ-feature] of the Latin possessive relative determiner CUIUS diverges as to the way of its specification in Spanish and Italian, the [+WH}[+REL(ative] element occupies in the Spec of CP, and the [Φ-feature] of relativized element must be explicitly realized in the morphosyntax. We propose an alternative approach based on the previous studies of Kayne(1994), Cardinaletti(1998), Cinque(1995) about the realization of Spanish relative determiner cuyo, in order to account for several previously unaccounted phenomena. We discuss some consequences potentially relevant for the Italian possessive relative constructions, in the light of the Distributed Morphology(cf. Halle & Marantz(1993), Harley & Noyer(1998)), and subsequent works.

라틴아메리카 일부 지역에서 사용되는 양보 접속사구 todavia que의 특성

곽재용 ( Kwak Jae-yong ) 경희대학교 비교문화연구소 2017 비교문화연구 Vol.46 No.-

본 연구는 라틴아메리카의 일부 지역인 안데스와 리버플레이트 지역에서 양보 접속사구로 기능하는 [todavia que]에 대한 형태-통사적 그리고 의미적 특성을 연구하고자 한다. Real Academia Espanola(2009)에 따르면 부사 todavia는 초점과 관련된 다양한 맥락에서 사용되며 특히 안데스와 리버플레이트 지역에서는 [todavia que]가 양보구문을 형성하며 첨가적 해석을 갖는다고 한다. 케추아어의 접미사 `-raq`과 아이마라어의 접미사 `-raki `는 스페인어의 부사 todavia와 동일한 의미를 갖는다. 그러나 이 두 원주민 언어에서는 상기의 접미사가 첨가 초점사의 기능을 수행하지만 스페인어에서는 첨가 초점사로 쓰이는 접미사는 없으므로 이러한 범주적 불일치로 인해 [todavia que]구조에서는 todavia가 부사의 형태로 접속사 que와 함께 첨가 초점사로 사용된다. 본 연구는 이러한 형태-통사적 그리고 의미적 특성은 두 원주민어들과 스페인어의 언어접촉 현상에서 비롯된 것으로 주장한다. 또한 이러한 주장에 기초하여 스페인어의 부사 todavia가 어원적으로 전칭양화사와 관련되는 사실과 척도와 관련된 자질을 내포하는 특성에 기인하여 [todavia que]는 척도 첨가의 의미를 갖는 양보의 접속사로 기능한다고 주장하고자 한다. In this paper, we present a morphosyntactic and semantic study of the concessive conjunctive phrase [todavia que] in the Andean and River Plate areas of Latin America. Real Academia Espanola(2009) describes that the adverb todavia occurs in a variety of focus-sensitive environments and specially, in the Andean and River Plate areas, the phrase [todavia que] participates in the concessive constructions and triggers an additive interpretation. It is well known that the Quechuan suffix `-raq` and the Aymaran suffix `-raki` have the meaning of todavia which is characterized as a additive particle. Due to the absence of the paratactic relationship between the mentioned Spanish adverb and those indigenous suffixes, the adverb todavia in [todavia que] is used as a additive focalizer. We assume that these morphosyntactic and semantic properties are derived from the language contact of Quechua-Spanish and Aymara Spanish. Based on this assumption, we will further assume that the etymological peculiarity of todavia as a universal quantifier is closely related to the reading of [todavia que] as a Scalar Additive Concessive Conjunctive Phrase.

척도 함의를 갖는 양화구 menos de n의 도출적 구조

곽재용 ( Kwak Jaeyong ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2017 지중해지역연구 Vol.19 No.1

In this paper, we attempt to show the syntactic properties of the Spanish quantifier phrase with scalar implicature [menos de n(cardinal number)]. Real Academia Espanola(2014) describes that the element menos of the expression menos de comes from the Latin minus and functions as a type of comparative adjective and also as a type of comparative adverb. In spite of this description, this element menos does not show any syntactic property of comparative construction in a sentence like `Carlos tomo menos de tres cervezas.` because the complement tres cervezas cannot be a target of comparison in a proper comparative construction. Hackl(2000), Nouwen(2010) and others argue that in a expression like menos de tres cervezas, menos de tres is a quantificational determiner with scalar implicature and takes the NP cervezas as argument. We will try to show that the construction [menos de n] appears in the Specifier of Quantifier Phrase as a Degree Phrase. We suggest that this derivational configuration has no relation with the comparative construction and its configurational property explains the reason why the construction [menos de n] functions as a numeral modifier with scalar implicature.

비행위자적 해석을 갖는 『tener + 과거분사』구조의 문자화 조건

곽재용 ( Jae Yong Kwak ) 한국스페인어문학회(구-한국서어서문학회) 2010 스페인어문학 Vol.0 No.56

Segun RAE(2009), el verbo tener, en la mayoria de las construcciones tener+ participio pasado, exige un sujeto agentivo y un predicado que exprese alguna accion, por ejemplo, El arquitecto ya tenia dibujados los planos. Yllera(1999: 3433) describe que dichas construcciones expresan el resultado de un proceso que recae sobre un objeto, persona, etc, por lo que solo aceptan participios pasados de verbos transitivos con objeto directo en espanol estandar. Sin embargo, se encuentran ejemplos de la construccion tener + participio pasado con la interpretacion no agentiva tales como `Me tienes preocupada con tu conducta.`, `Tengo irritado el estomago.`, `Tengo rota la pierna.` etc.: no indican la accion causativa sino el estado o la situacion actual. En el presente trabajo mostraremos que la derivacion de las construcciones tener + participio pasado con la interpretacion no agentiva tiene una estrecha relacion con la condicion de la materializacion y el rasgo [-eventivo, -agentivo] del raiz verbal(cf. Morfologia Distribuida, Halle & Marantz(1993), Harley & Noyer (1998)).

스페인어 등위 접속사 변이형 e와 u의 교수-학습에 관한 소고

곽재용 ( Kwak Jaeyong ) 한국스페인어문학회(구 한국서어서문학회) 2021 스페인어문학 Vol.- No.98

The goal of this paper is to make a suggestion to include Spanish conjunction variants e and u in the basic vocabulary list of National Curriculum. RAE-ASALE(2010) describes that the simple coordinate conjunctions can be copulative (y, its variant e, ni), disjunctive (o, its variant u, ni) and adversative (pero, sino, mas). However, all these conjunctions, without exception, are listed as independent lexical items in RAE(2014), where the variants normally are exposed as the sub-content of lexical entries according to the norm. This indicates that if the basic vocabulary list of National Curriculum play a role of the lexical set, it must include both types of conjunctions: unmarked form ( y, o) and marked form (i.e.: e, u, ni). Nevertheless, the actual National Curriculum(2015) does not include the two variants e and u in its basic vocabulary list. We insist that National Curriculum must apply an uniform criterion to the lexical registration and the teaching and learning of Spanish conjunction variants should be carried out based on the morpho-phonetic properties of words and the particular syntactic-pragmatic uses in various contexts.