미주자유무역지대(FTAA)의 출범과 향후 과제

곽재성 한국외국어대학교 외국학종합연구센터 2001 국제지역정보 Vol.5 No.4

중미의 정치 변동 : 정치적 폭력에 대한 기원을 중심으로 State-sponsored repression and popular revolts

곽재성 서울大學校 스페인中南美硏究所 1997 이베로아메리카硏究 Vol.8 No.-

This paper attempts to explain the origin of the popular national revolts as well as the state-sponsored violence in Central America. Political violence has permeated the Central American landscape for much of its history. Of the Central American republics, Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua have suffered most from violence in recent decades. This analysis of violence has emerged from an array of disciplines ranging from ethnohistory to political economy and has focused on subjects as divergent as international factors, cold war politics and the problems of land tenure. In treating state-sponsored violence, special attention is given to a description of the mechanisms by which caudillos violence was transformed along with its typical legacy of clientalism. International factor as the more contemporary source of the violence is then discussed: the direct intervention of the US military and security forces, and indirect role of the School of the Americas. Washington's subsequent modernization and expansion of the region's military and police forces decisively enhanced the capacity for state violence. As for the issues of the popular political mobilization and the violent expression of mass discontent, such variables as ethnohistory, political economy and government' counter-action are regarded as main determinant factors. These violent upheavals exhibit many common features but also important differences amongst the Central American states. For instance, violence has been relatively constant in Guatemalan politics. Since colonial times, it has been motivated at least in part by radical and ethnic conflict. Acting on behalf of a Hispanic and European economic elite, the state has used its repressive capacity to control the Mayan and ladino majority. This repression has engenderded a long history of indian uprising and resistence, which has in turn excerbated the paranoia of Guatemalan elites and their repression of indigenous people. The fact that mass mobilization has been brutally repressed can more or less explain the relative lack of violent resistence in Guatemala. On the other hand, those countries such as Nicaragua and El Salvador have shown more conventional pattern of the co-existence between state-sponsored violence and revolutionary movements.

관광산업의 진흥을 통해 본 쿠바의 개방정책

곽재성 서울大學校 스페인中南美硏究所 2000 이베로아메리카硏究 Vol.11 No.-

인권의 시각으로 본 칠레의 민주화와 신자유주의 : human rights and neoliberalism in Chilenean democracy

곽재성 서울大學校 스페인中南美硏究所 1998 이베로아메리카硏究 Vol.9 No.-

This paper examines how the legacy of dictatorship has been dealt in democratic regimes of Chile in the 1990s. The concept of human rights is adopted as a central device for providing insights of the policies of democratic governments of Aylwin and Frei. Human rights are basically defined as the social and political guarantees necessary to protect individuals from the standard threats to human dignity posed by the modern states and modern markets. However, the definition has been constantly extended to questions regarding education, work, poverty, inequality, access to justice and environmental issues. Today, the issue of human rights is posed not only in terms of avoiding their violation or ensuring their fulfillment but also in terms of a set of rights consisting of multiple dimensions. The first part of this paper discusses the human rights violations(in its traditional definition) of the Pinochet government and the resolution of the issue during the successive democratic regimes. In Chile, the issue of state sponsored human rights violations has figured near the top of the transitional political agenda and Concertacion government adopted the issue as the preferred platform for opposition to military rule. The prime effort was the issue of the Retting report in 1991 which was a response to strong public demand. It compiled a record of the victims and recommended forms of moral and material reparation. However, there was a definite limit for democratic regimes to go further beyond finding the truth. Facing both institutional and political safeguards set by the military, it was impossible for them to promote trials of human-rights violators because the amnesty law of 1978 covering human rights violations committed between 1973 and 1978, and the Constitution of 1980 institutionalizing the rule of General Pinochet, inaugurated a legal protected democracy. Although Aylwin made some progress in asserting the authority of the presidency, he (and also his successor) failed to break through many important constraints of Pinochets legacy. In the light of the given environments, Concertacio´n government has devoted its effort more to the investigation of the cases rather than setting up justice. In other words, politico-statist logic was more emphasized than ethical-symbolic logic in dealing with the most problematic legacy of the dictatorship. Meanwhile, the concept of the human rights is more broadly applied in the second part of this research which explores the social consequences of the neoliberalism and subsequent bailout. The central assumption is that the 'Chilean miracle' must be carefully qualified and reassessed. Despite the renewal of higher rates of growth in the Chilean economy after 1983, the benefits derived accrued mainly to the wealthy end of the income distribution and that the burdens of fiscal and structural reform fell heavily on the working class and the poor: the poverty rate climbed from 26 percent in 1969 to 49 percent by 1987; privatizing the Chilean health insurance system has sharpened the differences in access to quality health care that segregate by class;IMF structural adjustment conditions restricted labour organization and canceled support to small producers and cooperatives. Although the Chilean transition to civilian democratic government was the basic continuity of the commitment to the free-market model, it was also necessary for them to resolve the social cost of adjustment and the deepening of social inequality that accompanied it. As is often argued, political democracy is fragile as long as basic economic rights cannot be guaranteed. Both the Aylwin and Frei government have initiated various measures through public and social security policy such as tax reform, rationalizing labour code and transforming health care system etc. Therefore, democratic governments' efforts to protect human rights in wider definition through the promotion of social equity can be positively evaluated. However, there are still limitations of social policies that serve mechanisms to compensate for the different effects of economic changes since they have been pursued within the frame of inherited market oriented neoliberalism.

1990년대 라틴아메리카의 국제정치 질서

곽재성 한국외국어대학교 외국종합연구센터 중남미연구소 1999 중남미연구 Vol.18 No.2

이 글은 1990년대 국제환경의 변화에 따른 라틴아메리카 국제관계를 되돌아보며 지나간 한 시대를 정리하는 의미가 있다. 1990년대를 바라보기 위한 시각의 도입을 위해 필자는 '종속'이라는 패러다임을 설정했으며, 아시아권과의 교류 확대, 유럽과의 새로운 파트너 쉽 형성 등 이 시기에 들어 급격히 다원화된 라틴아메리카의 국제관계를 종속이라는 질곡으로부터의 탈피를 위한 대안의 모색으로 이해한다. 이렇듯 다른 어떤 시기보다도 1990년대에는 라틴아메리카 국가들의 대외적 행보는 '탈미'라는 관측이 유행할 만큼 전 시대와 비교할 수없이 활발했으며 역내 국가간의 물리적 충돌이나 갈등도 현저히 감소하였다. 그러나 라틴아메리카의 국제관계를 미국이라는 변수를 떠나 이해하기는 여전히 불가능하다. 반공 이데올로기가 지배했고 동서냉전의 갈등구도에서 '지지'와 '보호'를 서로 주고받았던 라틴아메리카와 미국간의 관계는 1990년대에 들어서면서 전혀 새로운 국면을 맞게된다. 1990년대 라틴아메리카가 바라보는 미국이라는 대상은 곧 희망인 동시에 절망이다. 마지막으로 1990년대의 특징은 마약, 이민, 환경 등 전통적인 분야의 범주를 뛰어넘은 새로운 이슈들이 라틴아메리카의 대외정책이나 국제관계에 있어서 새롭게 주목받게 된 것이며 이런 이슈들은 앞으로도 상당한 중요성을 띄며 부각될 것이다. 1990년대의 라틴아메리카를 둘러싼 국제환경은 급격한 변화를 경험했고, 그 변화의 주된 임팩트는 이 지역의 국가들이 좀 더 활발하게 그리고 능동적으로 국제정치 질서 속으로 편입되어가고 있다는 사실이다.

인권기반접근법에 따른 효과적인 개발협력 사업수행체제

곽재성,정지선,홍문숙,이성훈,신재은,김은영,김선영,장아영,정원선 한국국제협력단 2017 국제개발협력 Vol.2017 No.4

한국국제협력단(Korea International Cooperation Agency, KOICA)의 인권기반 접근 전략 수립을 목적으로 하는 본 연구는 다음과 같은 세 가지 세부 목적을 가지고 있다. 첫째, 한국의 국제개발협력 전략에서 한국 공적개발원조(Official Development Assistance, ODA)의 인권기반접근 및 취약계층에 대한 포용적 접근의 현황을 파악한다. 둘째, 선진공여국의 사례를 벤치마킹하기 위해 영국, 미국, 스웨덴, 독일 등의 인권기반 및 취약계층에 대한 포용적 접근에 대해 분석한다. 셋째, 인권기반접근의 단기 전략으로서 취약계층 대상화(targeting) 전략 그리고 장기적으로 국제개발협력 정책, 전략, 사업에 대한 인권기반접근의 주류화(mainstreaming) 전략 수립에 기여한다. 이를 위해 주요 양자 원조기관의 인권기반접근 추진 현황, 4개 선진공여국의 사례 분석, 취약계층에 대한 포용적 접근의 국내적 논의 및 지원전략, KOICA의 인권기반 취약계층에 대한 포용적 전략 등을 논의하였다. 또한, 본 연구에서는 정책 시행에서 참고할 수 있는 다양한 정보와 지침, 그리고 지표 등을 포함하였다.

1990년대 스페인의 대 라틴아메리카 직접투자

곽재성 한국라틴아메리카학회 2003 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.16 No.2

중남미 정치지형 변화와 대미 관계 동향

곽재성 국립외교원 외교안보연구소 2007 (IFANS)주요국제문제분석 Vol.2007 No.17

중남미 국가의 민주화 이행과정과 과제 ; 칠레의 민주주의-피노체트의 정치적 유산과 민주화 과정

곽재성 민주화운동기념사업회 2004 기억과 전망 Vol.6 No.-

국제개발과 민관협력, 이슈와 정책제언

곽재성 한국국제협력단 2012 국제개발협력 Vol.2012 No.1