章太炎의 『國學槪論』에 드러난 ‘文’의 관점

황정일(黃晶一) 한국중어중문학회 2015 한국중어중문학회 학술대회 자료집 Vol.2015 No.11

위화(余華) 『제7일』의 평등론

황정일 한국중국현대문학학회 2015 中國現代文學 Vol.0 No.72

This article examines Yu Hua's novel, The Seventh Day, whichfocuses on an alienated class of nameless people in contemporaryChina and social inequality caused by the gap between the richand the poor. This thesis attempts to analyze their miserable lifeand unfair death based on the code of death and the narration ofmemory. people including Yang Fei who led a miserable life andwere faced with unfair death wander the afterlife aimlessly withoutrest, lacking the money for a burial plot until Liu Mei takes himto the Land of the Unburied. When it comes to the space of death,it is a strategic setting in that the writer can decipher how thingsreally happened without regard to the limitation of time and space. What's more, all the characters he meets are also the dead, whichcould be an excuse to escape from the preemptive censorship of thegovernment especially when the writer criticizes the governmentpolicy and social polarization in contemporary China. Though various kinds of methods of narration have been triedthroughout Yu Hua's novels, Yu Hua has consistently taken ‘death’and ‘equality’ into consideration in his works. This article hence engages four intimately linked realms of inquiries regardingpeople's unfair death under the unequal social structure in thisnovel. First of all, this essay explores the situation where peopleget socially alienated with the application of capitalism in China. Furthermore, this inquiry concentrates on China’s practice of‘backroom politics’ and the dubiosity that Information from themedia is selected or fabricated according to political need, and thenreleased through channels determined by the same considerations. In addition, this study focuses on the violence of government,which leads to the suppression of the people. Last but not least,this study traces the process of the way to dissolve the form oftraditional family and suggest the possibility of creating new kindof family, which could be connected to the place of the Land of theUnburied, community of the people.

說一切有部의 작용론에 대한 논쟁__ 세친의 비판에 대한 중현의 반론을 중심으로

황정일 인도철학회 2005 印度哲學 Vol.19 No.-

It is generally said that, Within the Sarvāstivāda ontological system, there requires a distinction between two theories: the existence of all dharmas in the three time periods and the existence of the intrinsic nature (svabhāva) of dharma in the three time periods. The former has been traditionally demonstrated from the four proofs, the two proofs taken from hearing from others (sūtra) and the two proofs based on inference (anumāna) presented at the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, while the letter has been insisted from the four theories fomulated by the four Sarvāstivāda masters, Dharmatrāta, Ghoṣaka, Vasumitra, and Buddhadeva, since the Mahāvibhāṣāśāstra. The theory of activities (kāritra) seems to be the core theory which link the two ontological theories mentioned above. For the Sarvāstivādins, it is possible through the theory of activities (kāritra) that past, present, and future time is distinguished and the activities of dharmas, arising, duration, decay and ceasing, is explained. According to the theory, a past dharma is one whose activities have been cease to exist, a present dharma is one whose activities are operating, and a future dharma is one whose activities hava not operated yet. What changes momentarily is not the intrinsic nature (svabhāva) of a dharma but its activities through the inherent characteristic (svalakṣaṇa). There still are problems involved in the activities of visual organ, the present tat-sabhāga, along with the relationship between past sabhāgahetu and present niṣyandaphala. Saṅgabhadra seems to solve this problem through introducing the concept of capability (vyāpāra) into the Sarvāstivāda ontological system. 유부 존재론은 ‘三世實有法恒有’로 정의된다. 그리고 이 명제의 근거는 雜阿含經에 나와 있는 二經二敎證을 통해서 알 수 있다. 그러나 이것은 삼세실유의 근거는 되지만, 법체항유의 근거는 되지 않는다. 법체항유는 大毘婆舍論에서의 4대논사의 說을 계기로 성립되었다고 볼 수 있다. 따라서 유부의 실유사상은 二經二理證에 의해서 삼세실유를 주장하고, 그 논리적 귀결로 법체항유를 이론적으로 확립했다고 할 수 있다. 그리고 이 ‘삼세실유·법체항유’의 상호관계를 뒷받침하는 것은 세우(Vasumitra)의 位不同說(avasthanyathika)에 따른 作用論이다. 그러나 이러한 유부의 작용론은 ‘피동분(tat-sabhga)의 눈’이나 ‘과거 동류인(sabhga-hetu)’ 등의 문제로 인해, 세친에 의해 철저히 비판 받는다. 이에 중현은 세친의 비판을 작용(kritra) 이외에 공능(vypra)의 개념을 들어 반론한다. 따라서 본 논문은 유부 작용론을 둘러싼 세친과 중현의 논쟁을 통해, 유부 작용론의 의미를 검토했다.

가야불교 전래지 아유타에 대한 비판적 고찰- 사께따와의 관련성 문제를 중심으로 -

황정일 동아시아불교문화학회 2019 동아시아불교문화 Vol.0 No.39

This study sought to examine the identity of Ayodhya which is controversial not only in Korea but also overseas. In particular, the story of Queen Huh, described in 「駕洛國記(Garakgukgi)」, was discussed with focus on the grounds for the argument on the mere mythology thereof. This study thus found that such criticism traced back to studies by western scholars such as Cunningham and Hans Becker. In other words, the main argument over the fictitious theory of Queen Huh transfer comes as Hans Becker argued that, although Ayodhya did not exist before the 5th century, the place called Sāketa, after King Skandagupta, substituted Ayodhya, thus resulting in the existence of Ayodhya. Further, the story of Queen Huh coming from Ayodhya in the first century CE is argued as a fictitious mythology at home as well as, based on the aforementioned argument, the place name of Sagi or Sāketa appears in 『高僧傳(Goseungjeon)』 by Beophyeon while there is no place name called Ayodhya, and as the place name of Ayodhya only appear in 『大唐西域記(Daedangseoyeokgi)』 by Hyeonjang in the 7th century. Unlike such arguments, however, the West offers assertions over the reality of Ayodhya, such as by Rhys Davids, Pathak and Kunal. In particular, Kunal, through the study of classical Sanskrit, proved that place names of Ayodhya and Sāketa had been used before the 5th century CE, refuting that the Hans Becker argument is wrong. Kunal's study has something in common with this researcher's previous studies, and the researcher pointed out the problems surrounding the Hans Becker argument by analyzing transliterations. Further, this study sought to define the relationship between the two places by studying the characteristics of 求法記(Gubeopgi) by Beophyeon or Hyeonjang. In other words, 『大唐西域記(Daedangseoyeokgi)』 by Hyeonjang aimed to seek the Buddhist Truth, so his records are presumably very accurate concerning Buddhist trends, schools, Buddhist scholars, Buddhist books, etc. in the various places that he visited. Based on this, the argument of Sāketa=Sagi(Visākha)=Ayodhya by Hans Becker or Lee Gwang-su is deemed to be more seen as Sāketa=Sagi(Visākha)≠Ayodhya as based on the records of Hyeonjang. Therefore, this study argues that it is more reasonable to see Ayodhya as a real place in any form rather than the argument that there was no place name of Ayodhya in the period of Buddha or in the first century CE. 본 연구는 한국뿐만 아니라 해외에서도 논란이 되고 있는 아유타(Ayodhya)의 정체성에 대해 논구하고자 했다. 특히, 「가락국기」에 나오는 허왕후 관련 이야기를 단지 만들어진 신화로 치부하는 근거는 무엇인지를 밝혀보고자 했다. 이에 본 연구를 통해서 그 주장의 근거가 서구 학자인 커닝햄과 한스 베커 등으로 이어지는 연구결과에 기반하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 즉 한스 베커가 아유타는 5세기 이전에는 존재하지 않았던 도시였지만, 스칸다 굽타 왕이 사께따라는 지역을 『라마야나』에 나오는 전설의 도시인 아유타로 치환하면서 존재하게 되었다는 것이다. 더욱이 한스 베커의 주장은 국내 일부 학자들에 의해서 법현(法顯)의 『고승전(高僧傳)』에는 사기, 즉 사께따(Sāketa)라는 지명이 나오지만 아유타라는 지명은 없으며, 7세기 현장의 『대당서역기(大唐西域記)』에서 비로소 아유타라는 지명이 나오기 때문에 CE 1세기에 허왕후가 아유타에서 왔다는 이야기는 만들어진 신화일 뿐이라는 주장의 배경이 되었다. 한편, 이러한 주장과 달리 서구에서도 아유타의 실재성을 주장하는 리즈 데이비드(Rhys Davids), 파타크(Pathak), 쿠날(Kunal) 등의 견해가 있음을 알 수 있었다. 특히, 쿠날은 고전 산스끄리트 연구를 통해 CE 5세기 이전에 아유타와 사께따의 지명이 함께 사용됨을 증명함으로써 한스 베커의 주장이 잘못되었음을 지적했다. 더욱이 쿠날의 연구는 논자의 선행연구와 일맥상통한 것으로 논자 역시 한역 음역어(音譯語) 분석을 통해 한스 베커의 주장을 저적한 바가 있다. 한편, 이번 연구는 기존의 방법과 달리 구법기(求法記)가 갖는 특성을 통해 두 지역의 관계를 밝혀보고자 했다. 즉 현장의 『대당서역기』는 구법을 목적으로 한 것이므로 그가 방문한 각 지역에 대한 불교적 경향이나 학파(學派), 논사(論師), 논서(論書) 등에 대해서는 매우 정확히 기록했을 것이라는 점에 착안한 것이다. 그리고 이러한 방법에 근거한 본 연구에 따르면, 한스 베커나 이광수가 주장하는 것처럼 ‘사께따=사기(비색가)=아유타’라는 주장은 현장의 기록에 근거하는 한, ‘사께따=사기(비색가)≠아유타’로 보는 것이 보다 타당하다는 것이다. 따라서 붓다 당시 혹은 CE 1세기 전후에는 아유타라는 지명이 없었다는 주장보다는 그 당시 어떤 형태로든 실재했던 지역으로 보는 것이 타당하다는 것이 본 연구의 결과이다.

1920년대 조선 지식인의 중국에 대한 인식 ― 『개벽』을 중심으로

黃晶一(Hwang, Jung-il) 중국어문학연구회 2022 중국어문학논집 Vol.- No.134

This paper aims to analyze the ideological exchange between Chosŏn intellectuals and Chinese intellectuals, the magazine Kaebyok being recognized as a cultural public forum in the East Asian culture. After the March 1 Movement, the Japanese colonial policy shifted from unauthorized rule to cultural policy, and as part of the conciliatory policy, it was announced that Koreans were allowed the right to publish newspapers and magazines. Accordingly, Chosŏn intellectuals hoped that the publication of Kaebyok would open a new era of revolution that inherited the spirit of the March 1 Movement. Kaebyok advocated a new cultural movement for the purpose of reforming the culture of the people and discussed various topics such as modern literature, politics, and social culture. Chapter 2 examines the effect of Kaebyok on the new cultural movement of Chosŏn. Based on Kaebyok"s preface, I paid attention to the way culture is put to the forefront, and I discussed the meaning of sound, world, and evolution mentioned in the text. The emphasis on awareness and awakening in Kaebyok was to pursue nationalism and develop a national enlightenment movement while Chosŏn advocated a new cultural movement. Chapter 3 analyzed that Chosŏn intellectuals were paying close attention to China"s literary revolution in the 1920s despite political situations and language limitations, and examined that Chosŏn intellectuals" perception of the world was contemporaneous. At that time, Chosŏn intellectuals who received higher education in Japan and worked on translating works had limitations in recognizing the situation in China through the prism of Japan. Meanwhile, Chosŏn intellectuals got the opportunity to experience firsthand through studying in China and traveling to China, and served as correspondents to deliver news to Kaebyok. By introducing Hushi"s literary revolution theory, Kaebyok functioned as a cultural forum, and watched the way Chinese intellectuals built knowledge as a modern literary system by developing "new cultural movement" to be reborn as a modern subject. Why did Chosŏn intellectuals show particular interest in new cultural movement in China? Since Chosŏn was under the influence of China"s Confucian culture in the past, it was thought that China should be denied in order to overcome the colonial situation. Behind it, a sense of psychological solidarity as a oppressed people who were invaded by the empire worked. In addition, it was seen that Chinese intellectuals themselves developed a new Chinese cultural movement to overcome their own tradition. Kaebyok, as a venue for cultural public debate, called for "fundamental awakening" and renovation and showed the possibility of East Asian intellectuals in Chosŏn and China joining forces together.

『밀린다팡하(Milindapañhā)』에서의 나가세나 시간론 고찰 -학파 소속적 문제를 중심으로-

황정일 보조사상연구원 2016 보조사상 Vol.46 No.-

This thesis demonstrates Nāgasena’s view of time based on the dialogue between King Milinda and Nāgasena. Through studying Nāgasena’s ideas in time, this paper aims to find out which Buddhist School he would belong to or his idealogical tendency. Echoing the dialogue between King Milinda and Nāgasena, it can be said that Nāgasena is partly stating Theory of real existence of the three time-periods(三世實有論). He remarks that only a part of past and a part of future exist with the present moment. Comparing and analysing North and South Buddhist Canon of Abhidharma about time, Nāgasena’s view is similar to what it says in Kāśyapīya. North Canon of Abhidharma, such as Abhidharmamahāvibhā(大毘婆沙論), Abhidharmakośaśā stra(俱舍論), Samayabhedoparacanacakra(異部宗輪論) by Vasumitra, and the two other translations by Paramārtha (『部執異論』과 『十八部論』), are used for this research. Although it is not clearly stated that Nāgasena’s view of time is same as that of Kāśyapīya in the North Canon, it is more clarified in the South Canon of Abhidharma, especially from Kathāvatthu. It provides a decent source to review and compare the views of Nāgasena and Kāśyapīya. From this research paper, and according to Venerable Hojin’s study on Bareau, it can be said that Nāgasena belongs to Kāśyapīya at this point. Nonetheless, rushing in to conclusion referring only to Nāgasena’s view of time may be insufficient. Further studies are necessary in order to confirm that Nāgasena belongs to Kāśyapīya school. 본 논문은 『밀린다팡하』에서의 밀린다 왕과 나가세나의 시간을 둘러싼 대화를 통해, 나가세나의 시간관을 논구했다. 그리고 이 시간관의 연구를 통해, 나가세나가 어떤 부파의 소속 혹은 사상적 경향을 갖고 있었는가를 고찰해 보았다. 이에 나가세나와 밀린다 왕의 대화를 분석해 보면, 나가세나의 시간관은 부분적 삼세실유론을 주장하고 있음을 알 수 있다. 즉 찰나적인 현재를 기점으로 해서 과거와 미래의 일부분만 존재한다는 것을 주장하고 있다. 그리고 이 시간관을 근거로 남북 양전의 아비달마 논서들을 비교․분석한 결과, 나가세나의 시간관은 飮光部(Kāśyapīya)의 시간관과 유사한 것임을 알 수 있었다. 북전 아비달마불교 논서 중에서는 주로 世友의 『異部宗輪論』을 비롯한 『部執異論』, 『十八部論』 그리고 『大毘婆沙論』과 『俱舍論』을 중심으로 살펴보았지만, 그들 논서만으로는 나가세나의 시간관이 음광부의 시간관과 일치한다고 확언할 수는 없었다. 그러나 남전의 논서, 특히 『論事(Kathāvatthu)』에서 언급된 음광부의 사상은 북전의 논서보다 명확한 정의를 제시하고 있어, 나가세나와 음광부의 시간관을 비교․검토하는데 좋을 자료를 제공하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 그러나 나가세나의 시간관만을 통한 연구결과만으로 나가세나가 음광부 소속의 논사였다고 단정하기에는 좀 더 종합적인 연구가 필요하다고 생각한다. 하지만 적어도 지금까지의 연구결과, 즉 바로(Bareau)를 비롯한 여러 선학들의 연구결과물과 이에 근거한 호진의 선행연구 및 논자의 본 연구에 의하는 한, 나가세나의 학파 소속은 음광부라고 할 수 있을 것이다.

예인삭용 합성섬유로프의 아이스플라이스 안전기준 개발

황정일 해양환경안전학회 2013 해양환경안전학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.2013 No.11

一部 産業場의 環境汚染防止에 대한 現況 및 態度에 관한 調査硏究

黃正一,金榮煥,林國煥 高麗大學校 倂設 保健大學 保健科學硏究所 1983 保健科學論集 Vol.13 No.1

The objective of the survey was to look up the behavioral patterns and the state of environmental pollution control of various industries in Korea. The method of questionnaire was accomplished by a post delivery. Of 2000 factories sampled randomly, the number of plants which answered to the questions was 398. The duration of this study was two months from July to August, 1982. The results obtained were as follows: (1) The rank orders of environmental pollution represented were air pollution, water pollution, industrial waste, noise & vibration and odor. (2) The orders of the pollution discharge by industry .types were chemical engineering, fibre & leather and foodstuffs. Pollution degree of industrial machinery transport machinery and tools were low. (3) The installed rate of the anti-pollution equipment was the highest among industrial machinery and transport machinery & tools. In the non-metal mineral industry it was the lowest. (4) The installed rate of the anti-pollution equipment by scale of pollutant discharge for the air pollution and water pollution was high in the third class and in the fourth class low. The adapting rate of the licenced environmental technician in factories was high in the first class and the fifth class. (5) The efficiency in powers of the anti-pollution equipment was good on the whole. (6) The average number of repair of the equipment per year was less than once. (7) When the factories intended to establish the anti-pollution equipments, the chief information source about the equipment was the advertisment in the journals of that field. (8) The reliability of installation company was good in general.

가야불교 전래 관련 쟁점 재검토

황정일(Hwang, Jung Il) 보조사상연구원 2018 보조사상 Vol.51 No.-

가야는「삼국유사」에서 언급된 이후 그 역사성과 더불어 불교 전래와 관련해서 끊임없이 그 진위가 문제시되고 있다. 특히, 불교와 관련해서는 ‘가락(駕洛)’이라는 국명(國名)과 아유타(阿踰陀)라는 전래 지역, 그리고 그 전래 시기가 문제로 되고 있다. 본 연구는 이 문제들을 중심으로 선행연구를 검토하고 불전(佛典)의 음역어(音譯語)를 추적함으로써「삼국유사」에서의 가야불교와 관련한 진위를 논구했다. 그 결과 본 연구를 통해 다음과 같은 연구 성과를 얻을 수 있었다. 첫째, 가야의 국명과 관련한 기존의 주장은 1) 인도의 붓다-가야 (Buddha-Gaya)라는 불교적 지명에 근거한 주장, 2) 남인도 드라비다어 에서 ‘가야’가 물고기를 뜻하기 때문에 가야 지역의 물고기 숭배와 관련되었다는 주장, 3) 고대 한국어의 음운변화(音韻變化)에 의한 것이라는 주장 등이 있었다. 그러나 「삼국유사」「어산불영」의 내용과 그 음역어를 추적한 결과, 가야의 원어는 나게라갈(那揭羅曷)에 해당하는 nagarahara에서 유래한 것으로 논구했다. 특히, 이곳은 과거 동서양을 잇는 교역지였으며, 불경과 불상이 중국으로 전해졌던 간다라 (Gandhara) 지역의 일부였음을 알 수 있었다. 둘째, 가야불교의 전래 지역과 관련해서 1) 아유타(阿踰陀)는「라마야나」이후 만들어진 가상의 도시라는 허구설과, 2) 남인도의 물고기 숭배와 관련한 남인도 출자설 등에 대해서는 논자의 기존 연구를 보완해서 고대 인도 중북부 지역에 실존했던 도시로 보았다. 셋째, 가야불교 전래 시기와 관련해서는 「삼국유사」「파사석탑」에서 언급된 ‘상교(像敎)’라는 말에 주목했다. ‘상교=불교’로 이해하는 일반적 해석이 아니라, 상교라는 단어의 본래 뜻인 불상과 교법으로 해석해 보면, ‘상교’ 가 나오는 구절을 ‘불상과 경전이 없어서 절을 짓지 못했다’로 번역할 수 있기 때문이다. 즉 이러한 해석이 가능하다면, 가야불교의 전래 시기는 가야 성립 초기까지 거슬러 올라갈 수 있다고 보았다. Ever since it was mentioned in Samgukyusa (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), Gaya, the name of an ancient Korean kingdom, has been the center of controversy over the issues of whether it actually existed or not, and of its relationship with the introduction of Buddhism to Korean peninsular. In particular, with regard to Buddhism, the state name of Garak(駕洛), Ayuta(阿踰陀) from which region Buddhism was said to be imported to ancient Korea, and the connection time have been controversial. To explore these issues, this study reviewed previous studies and transliterations of Buddhist scriptures to define the truth or falsehood of Gaya Buddhist mentioned in Samgukyusa. The findings of this study are outlined below. First, existing theories related to the Gaya state name include 1) the Buddhist name place known as Buddha-Gaya in India, 2) Gaya s fish worship faith since Gaya means fish in South Indian Dravidian, and 3) Korean phonological change. However, this writer explored Samgukyusa s Eosanbulyeong(魚山佛影) tale and corresponding transliterations, finding that the word Gaya came from nagarahara mentioned as Nageragal(那揭羅曷). In particular, this place was found to have been a trade hub connecting the West and East in ancient times, and part of Gandhara from which region Buddhist scriptures and images were brought to China. Second, with regard to existing theories related to the origin from which Buddhism was brought to Gaya, which include 1) Ayuta(阿踰陀) was an imaginary city created after Ramayana and 2) South India in relation to South India s fish worship faith, this writer complemented the existing theories and saw the area as an actual city in the middle and north region in ancient India. Third, with regard to the Gaya Buddhism preaching time, attention was paid to ‘Sanggyo(像敎)’ mentioned in Samgukyusa s PasaSeokdap(婆娑石塔). Apart from the general understanding or interpretation of ‘Sanggyo=Buddhism’, if the word Sanggyo is originally meant as Buddha image and Buddha teaching, it can be translated as being unable to build temples due to the absence of Buddha image and Buddhist scriptures. In other words, if this interpretation is allowed, the Gaya Buddhism preaching time can be traced back to the early founding time of Gaya depending on the interpretation of Sanggyo.

‘탈정치화의 정치’로의 충칭사건 ― 왕후이의 「충칭사건 ― 밀실정치와 신자유주의의 권토중래」를 중심으로

황정일 한국중국현대문학학회 2012 中國現代文學 Vol.0 No.62

This essay analyzes the 2012 Chonqing Incident on the dismissal of Bo Xilai, the former party secretary of Chongqing written by Wang Hui, which has been considered as the most important political event in China since 1989. This case is concerned with depoliticized politics, in other words, the repudiation and forgetting of the sixties. As we know, the Chinese sixties had the Cultural Revolution as its main content. The Chongqing model involves quite distinctive social reforms. Large-scale industrial and infra-structural development went with an ideology of greater equality. Open debate and public participation were encouraged, and policies adjusted accordingly. This analysis hence engages four intimately linked realms of inquiries. First, this essay explores the meaning of social movement in 1978 in the context of depoliticized politics. Second, this study focuses on transference to the state-party concerning depoliticized politics. Depoliticized politics came out of the transformation of party politics from a party-state system to a state-party system,whereby the party lost its independence and representative character and became wholly an organ of state power. Third,, this inquiry concentrates on the memory of Cultural Revolution and the tendency of depoliticized politics. The continuing “thorough negation” of the Cultural Revolution, beginning in the late seventies and continuing to this day, gradually became a negation of the entire Chinese revolution, and under these conditions. Lastly, this essay explores the meaning of revolution for the project of re-politiicization. This era is a crisis of representatives and in this perspective Wang hui starts to think the new form of politicized politics, the party - state system where it is possible to have a concept of performative pracice and equality.