김환기의 근대기 작품에 나타난 체험과 감각

김인아(Kim In-ah) 한국근현대미술사학회 2015 한국근현대미술사학 Vol.29 No.-

It is prevalent opinion that Kim Whan?ki from the 1930s to the early 1940s was an abstract artist. As well known, Kim had strong ties with the avant-garde communities of Japan when he was a student there as well as when back to Korea while producing abstract works. Kim later formed a neorealism community with Yoo Youngkuk and Lee KyuSang, where he seeked the ‘Neo-Reality’. He also reflected his interest in korean tradition and antiques in his work while having made an exchange with artists, poets, and writers who had worked through ‘Munjang’ that is literature magazine. That much of the academic literature on Kim’s paintings from this period have been focused on abstract and avant-garde art and orientalism may be a natural consequence of his historical trajectory as the above. As the advanced researches tell, Kim Whan?ki’s interest is not the departure from an object but the way ‘abstractifying’ an object, while pursuing the abstract art. This study also begins from the premise that the key element necessary for interpreting Kim’s abstract art is the way rather than the concept. I would like to go even a step further to argue that the form and content of the abstract in Kim’s work reflect the artist’s personal experiences and emotional sensations. And I’ll argue that such personal experiences-which exist on the outskirts of Kim’s abstract art-are imbued with a kind of romanticism. To illuminate these points, I analyze the abstract features of Kim’s work that appear as geometrical designs in conjunction with the social atmosphere of the era, and also interpret the artist’s personal experiences reflected in the work through references to articles, photographs, and related written works published in the literary magazines of the day. I attempt to show that Kim Whan-ki’s painting which abstractly portrayed the city and machines-symbols of the most cutting-edge elements of civilization- are not simply a matter of style but concrete expressions of the artist’s existential interpretations of nature, life, and modern civilization. It may seem unusual for an artist who interprets the world through the lens of existentialism to pursue such an abstract style. However, at that time, this is not unusual. This is because the avant-garde discourse in those days was developed in each artist’s personal understanding. The experiences of the 1930s that appear in Kim’s work were personal and everyday experiences of modern civilization, and this is why his artwork includes hints at the modernist emotional connection with urban life. Kim’s nostalgia for the modern lifestyle he experienced during his student years in Tokyo occasionally appears as a landscape that is in turn representational or contemplative. These approach is similar to imagism in literature. Kim Gi-rim, a leading Korean modernist poet, defines poetry as the expression of not the mental but the “real” world in writing. Similarly, Kim Whan?ki’s work is an expression of reality as created through the artist’s memories and experiences.

경기도 대부도 모래해변에 잔류하는 미세플라스틱의 계절별 분포특성

김인성 ( In Sung Kim ),김승규 ( Seung Kyu Kim ) 한국환경분석학회 2015 환경분석과 독성보건 Vol.18 No.4

Seasonal variation in the abundance and distribution of microplastics (MPs) in beach sediments was investigated for the Daebu island, Gyeonggi-do, South Korea. Beach surface sediments were sampled at five stations along the high strandline of the island beach in July and November 2013 and March 2014 to represent the summer, winter, and spring seasons, respectively. Six sizes ranging from 0.3 to 5 mm were classified and seven types of polymers were determined using FT-IR. The abundances of microplastics were 8,776-891,844 particles/ m2 in summer, 4,628-17,724 particles/m2 in winter, and 13,784-100,196 particles/m2 in spring with a predominant contribution of expanded polystyrene (EPS) of >95% in all seasons. Distinct seasonal differences were exhibited in the MPs abundance (i.e., 6-26 times higher in summer) and spatial distribution pattern (i.e., higher at northern stations in summer with southerly winds but southern stations in winter with northerly winds). On the other hand, similarities in size distribution as well as polymer composition were observed among seasons and stations. Particularly, there were good correlations between EPS of fishery-activity origin and non-EPS of inland origin. In conclusion, well-mixed currents seem to cause spatial and temporal homogeneity in size and polymer distribution, while different wind directions with seasons were likely to generate differences in the MPs abundance with time and space in the beach. However, whether the distribution characteristics of MPs on the beach sediments were determined by the direct reflection of those in flooding seawaters or by the redistribution of deposited MPs is unclear. Further study is required to identify the major mechanism.

논문(論文) : 1920,30년대 재일 조선인 선거운동 -재일본조선노동총동맹과 일심회의 사례를 중심으로-

김인덕 ( In Duck Kim ) 강원대학교 사학회 2011 江原史學 Vol.0 No.25

1920년에 선거권이 인정된 직후에는 친일파를 제외하고 재일 조선인이 주체적으로 선거운동과 참정권의 문제에 관여한 흔적은 없었다. 그러나 1925년보통선거법 성립 이후 재일 조선인 유권자는 무산정당을 그 수립과정에서부터 적극적으로 지원했다고 보인다. 보통선거권이 부여된 이후에, 재일 조선인은 선거운동에서 형식적으로는 ``부여된`` 권리라고 하고, 주체적으로 자기의 것으로 활용하려고 했다. 재일조선인 노동자와 지식인은 1926년 이후에 본격적으로 논의했다. 이와 함께 조선인 입후보자가 출현한 것은 1929년 이후였다. 입후보자가 급증한 시기는 1930년대 전반으로, 이 현상은 1932년 박춘금의 당선이 하나의 계기가 되었다고 보인다. 이상과 같은 재일 조선인에 적용된 선거제도는 내선융화를 촉발하기 위한 제도였다. 따라서 재일 조선인에게는 장애가 있었다. 조선인이 조선인을 위한 의원 선출을 불가능하게 한 원인이 있었는데, 그것은 유권자 확정과정과 투표제도의 운영상에 문제가 있었기 때문이다. 한편 재일본조선노동총동맹은 조선인으로의 입장을 갖고 선거에 직·간접적인 활동을 전개했다. 특히 노동농민당을 선거운동에서 적극 지원한 것은 국제연대의 실현과 함께 현실투쟁에서의 일본 내의 재일 조선인의 지분을 갖는데 결코 부정적이지는 않았다. 여기에는 일상적인 공동투쟁의 지속과 일본 사회주의운동 진영과의 이론적 공감대의 형성이 요인으로 작용했을 것이다. 일심회의 경우도 친일적인 성격으로 인하여 선거운동에 참가하면서도 본질적인 한계가 없지는 않았지만, 1920년대부터 일관되게 적극적인 관심을 표명하고 있었다. 이것은 재일본조선노동총동맹의 경우와 함께 간접적이나마 재일 조선인의 정치적 의사를 반영한 것이라고 볼 수 있다. 그 이유는 이들내부의 다양성이 조직의 외형상 나타나는 단순한 ``융화친목``만을 갖고 일방적으로 예단할 수 없는 부분이 있기 때문이다. 재일 조선인의 선거운동은 일본의 지배정책이 조선인을 일본인과 평등하게 취급한다는 것은 거짓이다. 일제는 소수이지만 자신들의 입장을 대변할사람이 필요했고, 여기에는 권력자의 정책적 배려가 작용했던 것이다. Since the suffrage were acknowledged in 1920, Korean residents in Japan had not been involved in political rights and movements on vote other than pro-Japanese group. However, after establishment of popular suffrage in 1925, Korean residents voter in Japan supported actively for proletarian party since the process. Following given of popular suffrage, Korean residents in Japan tried to get their own rights even though they published as endowed rights in formal. From 1926, Korean labors in Japan and intellects fully discussed. With this, Korean residents in Japan``s first candidate for vote was 1929 and increased rapidly 1930s. These are all spring from Park Chun-keum``s election. Followed election system for Korean residents in Japan was only for the harmonization. Therefore, they had an obstacles. Korean could not vote for the Korean for assemblyman because there were serious issues on determining elector and managing election system. On the other hand, the federation of Korean laborers in Japan began their movement in or directly with their own stance as Korean. Particularly, supporting Labor agrarian party was realizing international union and also taking Korean equity in Japan with many struggles. This indicates persisting routine struggles and developing a bond of sympathy with socialist agitators in Japan. In terms of pro-Japanese character, Ilsimhoi had substantial limits while participating election campaign but they had an consistent interest since 1920s. This can be mediately interpreted as Korean residents in Japan``s political will with the federation of Korean laborers in Japan. The reason why for this matter is that varieties of group cannot be prejudged because of harmonizing in external. It is not true that Japanese ruling policy had treated election campaign of Korean residents in Japan same as Japanese campaign. Japanese need people who represent their stance even if minority, this clearly shows political regards of powerful man.

일본어 종조사 「ね」와 「よ」의 취급실태 분석 - 대학 초급, 초중급 교재를 중심으로 -

김인정 ( In-jung Kim ) 한국고등직업교육학회 2009 한국고등직업교육학회논문집 Vol.10 No.4

The purpose of this study is to understand the reason why the learners of Japanese language are having difficulties in properly using final particles “ね” and “よ” and help instructors teach learners their appropriate usage. This research carried out an analysis of the presentation of “ね” and “よ”, two of the most frequently used final particles in spoken Japanese, in several Japanese language textbooks used in universities. This study begins with considering the usage of “ね” and “よ” by analyzing their presentation in spoken Japanese. As a result, the analysis revealed that the particles was properly used in the textbooks in terms of 'the amount of learning' and 'learning by level'. However, The portion of learning “ね” was excessively biased and the examples were presented without explaining the detail usage of “ね” and “よ” in the textbooks. It could give difficulties to teachers to guide the balanced use of the particles in spoken Japanese and create confusion for learners. Further studies on this topic must include an analysis of instructional guide lines for teachers, which were not included in this study. Such research expansion will help upgrade Japanese textbooks used in universities.

1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살 사건이 재일한인 사회에 주는 현재적 의미-민단과 총련의 주요 역사교재와 ꡔ민단신문ꡕ의 기사를 중심으로-

김인덕(Kim, In-duck) 한일민족문제학회 2017 한일민족문제연구 Vol.33 No.-

This paper was written to identify current response of Mindan in terms of Great Kanto earthquake in 1923 and its massacre of Korean residents in Japan. To verify this, the author made certain that of Mindan’s textbook and counterpart of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan’s narrative attitude. Especially, the author examined stream of history textbook of Korean residents in Japan preferentially. Summing up the contexts, textbook of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan could have been considered as North Korea textbook but which is partially right and wrong. On the other hand, Mindan’s narrated in thematic on ‘History of Korean resident in Japan’. In particular, description of post-war period, it has limitation of historic facts in various point of views. Also, the textbook didn’t’ testify number of Korean victims and references. For example, it estimated five to six thousands of the dead but there were no mention of Koreans’ action on massacre. However, General Association of Korean Residents in Japan depicted the reason of massacre was the false propaganda by military, police, repressing association to Korean and described the places of massacre as well; Kametido in Tokyo, Kanagawa, Chiba, Saitama, and Kunma- around 6,600 people were killed. Not only Korean but many of Chinese and Japanese socialist were also murdered by Japan according to textbook of General Assocation. The author looked into Mindan’s reaction on massacre by last ten years of ‘Mindan Newspaper’ from 2003 to 2013. They had been commemorated this genocide by ceremonies, seminars, lectures, and exhibitions. They actively noted on their textbook. Tokyo and its area were the main locations to do those events and even nationwide were held as well but joint project with Japanese experts, regional investigation, and on the spot survey weren’t there. The society of Korean residents in Japan has been trying to commemorate Korean massacre in 1923 during Great Kanto earthquake for a long time. Including Mindan & General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, many of scholars and activists were actively there.

자궁 경부암종에서 Epstein-Barr Virus의 검출 - 중합효소연쇄반응법과 In Situ PCR을 이용한 연구 -

김인선(In Sun Kim),강재성(Jae Seong Kang),최안나(An Na Choi),김영식(Young Sik Kim) 대한산부인과학회 2000 Obstetrics & Gynecology Science Vol.43 No.2

목적: 자궁 경부암은 우리나라 여성에서 가장 흔한 암종으로 정확한 원인은 규명되어 있지 않지만 대부분의 경우 인유두종 바이러스가 발암과정에 관여하는 것으로 알려져 있으며 그 외에도 포진바이러스, 싸이토메갈로바이러스, 흡연 등이 관여할 것으로 추정하고 있다. EBV가 자궁경부암종에 관련이 있으리라는 사실은 자궁경부의 상피세포에서 EBV가 증식하고 배설될 수 있다는 점 때문이다. 국내에서 자궁 경부 암종에서 EBV에 관한 연구는 전무한 상태로 경부암종의 발암과정에 EBV가 관여하는지 규명하기 위해서 본 연구를 시행하였다. 연구방법: 자궁 경부의 상피내암과 침윤성 편평상피암종에서 EBNA-1에 대한 소식자를 이용한 중합효소연쇄반응을 시행하였고 바이러스가 존재하는 부위를 확인하고자 in situ PCR을 시행하였다. 연구 재료로 상피내암 32예, 미세침윤성 편평상피암종 9예, 침윤성 편평상피암종 37예, 경부 선암종 7예, 경부 선-편평상피암종 7예와 대조군으로 종양이 없는 자궁경부조직 12예를 대상으로 하였다. 또한 EBNA-3C를 이용한 유형 분류를 시행하였다. 결과: EBV는 종양이 없는 자궁 경부에서 16.7%가 검출된 반면 자궁경부암종에서는 51.4% 이상의 빈도로 검출되었으나 침윤정도나 조직학적 유형에 따른 차이는 없었다. EBV는 종양 세포 뿐 아니라 정상 자궁경부의 상피세포와 림프구에서도 관찰되었다. 검출된 EBV는 모두 1형에 속하였다. 결론: 이상의 결과로 자궁 경부암종의 발생에 Epstein-Barr virus가 관여 할 것으로 사료되나 발암과정에 관여하는 정확한 기전은 앞으로 연구가 필요하다. Objective: Uterine cervical cancer is the most common malignant tumor in Korean women. Human papillomaviruses are associated in 85-90% of the cases. However, other cofactors are considered to be important in carcinogenesis. There is an evidence that the uterine cervix is the site of shedding of the Epstein-Barr viruses(EBV). Furthermore the virus has been detected in cervical intraepithelial neoplasia and invasive carcinoma of the uterine cervix. We studied to evaluate the role of EBV in cervical carcinogenesis. Methods: Non-neoplastic cervices(12), carcinoma in situ(32), microinvasive squamous cell carcinomas(9), invasive squamous cell carcinomas(37) and adenocarcinomas and adenosquamous carcinomas(14) were studied for EBV infection. PCR and in situ PCR for EBNA-1 were done and subtyping was done using PCR for EBNA 3C. Results: In non-neoplastic cervix, EBV was detected in 16.7% by PCR and found in normal epithelial cells and lymphocytes in in situ PCR. By PCR technique, EBV was detected in 65.6% of CIS, 66.3% and 51.4% of microinvasive and invasive squamous cell carcinomas, 57.1% of adenocarcinomas and adenosquamous carcinomas. EBV subtyping was done in EBV positive cases by PCR and all showed type 1. Conclusion: EBV was detected in higher frequency in cervical cancer than in non-neoplastic cervix. However the frequency was not correlated to the invasion depth and histologic types of cervical carcinomas. EBV was detected in tumor cells as well as normal epithelial cells and lymphocytes also. It was suggested that EBV may play a role in cervical cancers but the mechanism in carcinogenesis remains to be solved.

역사 속 재일조선인 의료와 복지의 한계 : 현재의 코로나19 속 상황에서 1920년대 전반 오사카방면위원회의 존재적 한계 보기

김인덕(Kim, In-Duck)(金仁德) 한일민족문제학회 2021 한일민족문제연구 Vol.40 No.-

現在地球はコロナ19の危機の中にある。こうした危機は本質的であり、我々の暮らしの現像的側面に対する部分的、臨時的、外面的収集策では絶対克服できないという事実を感知しなければならない。公害と感染、自然の破壊、そして伝染病の伝染につながる現像は、韓国の社会が自然環境であるという側面の本質的制限である。このような問題は個人の次元ではなく社会的、ひいては地球的次元のことと、歴史的、特に哲学的論議は切實といえる。歴史の中で見ると、伝染病と社会福祉は国家と資料の問題のみにの位置づけにはならない。特に在日朝鮮人にとって社会福祉は外傷的に存在したと見える。歴史的に見ると、国家と資料を統制しなければ、破局の道を歩んでしまった記録が多く存在する。とりわけ軍国主義日本がこれを示す代表的存在と思う。生は死を前に提議するときに本源的意味があるといえる。こんな人間は構造の中の日常を生きてゆく。在日朝鮮人にとってその世界は単純構造ではなく、集團的統制の中で共同体構成員として生きていったのである。彼らにとって日常は罪の悪に思えるかもしれない。渡港した在日朝鮮人は、都市の下位社会に編入された。彼らは部落民と同等な水尊であるか、これを下回る困難層として存在した。彼ら在日本人の暮らしは始まりからトラウマだった。日常で彼らが安全な居住空間を確認保するのは絶代容易ではなかった。すると、在日朝鮮人は社会福祉の対象で在らなければならなかった。 しかし、方面委員会を通して大阪府の社会福祉事業は、朝鮮の人々を構造的かつ本質的に差別し、社会福祉の名前は無実であった。結局、在日朝鮮人は、社会福祉と医療の死角地に存在しなければならいた。このように、日帝は帝國の構造の中で、植民主義を被壓迫狀態の植民地民に制して日本社会の中在日朝鮮人を福祉以外の空間に位置づけていった。どうやら、大阪府の方面委員会は、その実とすることができる。在日朝鮮人は対象化されている中で、統制の対象として存在した。この研究は、日常の医療と福祉の植民地的限界と、統制構造の反人道と危險性を指摘するための小さな試みです。 Currently, the Earth is in the midst of a crisis of covid-19. We must recognize that such a crisis can never be overcome by a partial, temporary, or external remedy for the phenomenon aspects of our lives in nature. The phenomenon that leads to pollution, contamination, destruction of nature, and the creation of infectious diseases are another pattern of intrinsic limitations that our society is deviating from. Such a problem is not at the individual level, but at the social and even global level, and historical and especially philosophical discussions are urgently needed. In history, infectious diseases and social welfare do not result only in problems of state and capital. In particular, social welfare seems to have been traumatic for Koreans in Japan. Historically, if the state and capital are not controlled, there are many records that have led to a catastrophe. In particular, I think militaristic Japan is a representative of this. Life can be said to strengthen its original meaning when it presupposes death. Such a human being lives his daily life in a structure. For Koreans living in Japan, the world was not just a structure but a member of a community under collective control. For them, daily life may have been considered a sin. Korean residents in Japan were incorporated into lower-class urban communities. They existed as poor people who were equal to or below the level of the villagers. The lives of these Koreans in Japan have been traumatized from the beginning. It was never easy for them to secure a stable living space in their daily lives. Then, Koreans in Japan should have existed as an object of social welfare. However, the Osaka government’s social welfare project through a welfare committee has structured and essentially discriminated against Koreans from Japan. The name of social welfare was a nameless one. In the end, Koreans in Japan had to exist in blind spots of social welfare and medical care. As above, Japan forced colonialism to the oppressed colonists in the structure of the empire and established itself in a space other than welfare for Korean residents in Japanese society. In a way, the Osaka Prefecturel welfare Committee is the very essence. Korean residents in Japan were subject to control while being targeted. This study is a small attempt to point out the colonial limitations of everyday health care and well-being and the anti-humanity and risks of the control structure.

정주와 이주사이의 동아시아; 일제강점기 오사카 조선촌의 식문화

김인덕 ( In Duck Kim ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2013 동방학지 Vol.163 No.-

전후 암시장과 조선촌에서 출발한 재일조선인의 일상적인 가정요리가 지금은 일본 사회의 식생활에 자리매김되면서 외식산업, 유망 업종으로 성장해 가고 있는 것도 부정할 수 없는 사실이다. 오사카 조선촌은 일제강점기 이후 재일조선인 문화 속 식문화의 중심적 역할을 하고 있다. 그것은 역사성과 현재성에서 확인된다고 할 수 있다. 재일조선인의 다문화공생적 요소를 식문화는 공간에서 식민지성을 유지하면서도 표출하고 있다. 그 중심이 조선촌이다. 식민주의적 관점에서 볼 때, 오사카 조선촌 중심의 조선 문화가 일정하게 일본 내에서 형성되는 것을 존중해야 한다. 그리고 일본 정부가 이를 정책적으로 지원하여 이른바 조선시장을 공설시장으로 만들 것을 주장하기도 했다. 오늘날에도 재일조선인의 삶은 조선촌으로 대변할 수 있다. 역사적으로는 재일조선인이 조성한 조선촌은 조선의 ‘해방구’였다. 일본어도 제대로 모르는 채 낮 동안의 노동에 시달린 조선인이 밤이 되어 돌아왔을 때 아무 거리낌 없이 쉴 수 있는 곳이 바로 조선촌이었다. 고추가루, 김치, 조선말이 있어 그 가운데만 있어도 위안이 되는 장소였다. 조선촌에서는 지연과 혈연적 상호부조가 잘 이루어졌으므로 취직 등 생활상의 편의를 쉽게 얻을 수도 있었다. 최근의 식문화를 놓고 볼 때 한국문화의 발신지의 역할을 하고 있다. 역사성과 함께 오사카 조선촌은 한국 음식의 본거지가 되고 있다. 다양한 한국 음식과 문화가 이곳의 이미지를 형성하고 그 속에서 재일조선인 문화는 일본 사람을 모아내고 있는 것이다. 전전의 일본 정부가 파악하듯이, 재일조선인은 일본에 와 있는 동안에는 무엇보다 돈(金)이 중요했다. 때문에 먹을 것이나 위생, 생활의 즐거움에 대해서는 부차저인 것으로 생각하기도 했다. 따라서 식사는 주로 밥과 소금, 야채로 해결하고, 부식은 장, 츠케모노, 생선 말린 것 등이 전부인 생활도 했다. 주요한 것은 식문화는 사실 생활의 필요에서 삶을 유지하는 방편이었기 때문에 유지되기도 했다는 점이다. 필자는 한민족의 고유한 식문화의 장점을 살리려는 노력이 다양한 지점에서 전개되지 않으면 재일조선인의 독특한 식문화의 유지, 발전은 어려다고 생각한다. 그것은 일본 사회가 갖고 있는 본질에 기인한다고 생각한다. Since the broken of war, some of typical food from Chosun villages in Japan now became normal home meal for Japanese. It is inevitable that these foods being food service industry with good prospects. Osaka Chosun village has been having a main role of food culture since Japanese colonial era. It is clearly shown by history and nowness. Commensal multi-culture fact of Korean residents in Japan would be shown by food culture and Chosun village is in the center. From a colonial point of view, Osaka Chosun village should be acknowledged that chosun culture were partially rooted by Chosun village. Also, Japanese government supported in policy and they urged made this town as a public market. Still, the life of Korean residents in Japan would be symbolized by Chosun village. Historically, a town where Korean residents in Japan made was their own area under rebel control. A foreigner who was not able to speak Japanese had a rough day and he or she were getting their own rest at Chosun village. Red pepper powder, Kimchi, and Korean was there so that they were being comforting. Not only psycological comfort, but regionalism, kinship were made their life in actual ways. When we see the current food culture, this was the place of dispatch for Korean culture. With the historic facts, Osaka Chosun Village(Korean Village) is now base of Korean food. Various foods and culture made brand new image of Korea and Korean culture by Japanese. As previous Japanese government known, Korean residents in Japan thought money was their key problem. Therefore food, hygeine, life, interests were all secondary thoughts. They normally had meal with rice, salt, vegetable and additionally they had certain sauces, tsukemono, and a bit of fishes. Bottom line is that food culture could have been sustained because they had to eat in certain ways. I myself strong believe that an effort which Korean residents in Japan made to retain Korean own food culture eventually developed Korean residents in Japan`s unique food culture. Without this, we could not imagine current Korean food culture. This clearly arose from essence of Japanese society.

헤테로토피아로서의 기카이가지마 섬

김인아 ( In A Kim ) 한국비교문학회 2015 比較文學 Vol.0 No.65

헤테로토피아는 명백하게 실존하는 공간이며, 그 공간 안에 공존할 수 없는 공간성이 공존함으로서 오는 불확실성과 모호성, 혼종성을 지니고 있는 공간이다. 이 공간에서의 시간의 흐름은 외부의 시간의 흐름을 받지 않으며 이를 헤테로크로니아라고 이야기한다. 본고에서 다루는 기카이가지마 섬은 분명 실존하는 섬이나 그 정확한 위치와 역할에 대해서 대립되는 공간성을 지니고 있으며, 이러한 모습이 13세기의 서사 문학인 『헤이케모노가타리』를 비롯하여 20세기에 재생산된 현대 희곡, 단편 소설에서 다양한 공간성으로 변용되어 표현되었다. 본고에서는 이러한 기카이가지마 섬의 불확실성과 모호성을 헤테로토피아로서 판단하고 역사적 사료, 서사작품 속에서 어떠한 모습을 그리고 있는지를 파악하고자 한다. 공간성의 변화는 시간의 흐름과 밀접한 관계를 지니고 있다. 특히 헤테로토피아는 일반적인 시간의 흐름과는 무관하게 그 공간만이 지니고 있는 시간의 흐름의 속도에 따라서 소멸과 생성을 반복한다고 보았다. 기카이가지마 섬은 13세기에서 20세기의 시간의 흐름을 사이에 두고 문학작품 속에서 여러 가지 모습으로 등장한다. 그 속에서 섬은 같은 공간이면서도 전혀 다르고, 12개의 섬이기도 하고 하나의 섬이기도 하는 대립적이고 복합적인 양상을 보인다. 섬은 작품 내부의 시간의 흐름에도 영향을 받는다. 각 작품 속에서 시간의 흐름의 어떤 목적과 의미를 지니고 사용되었는가에 따라 섬의 모습은 또 변화한다. 본고에서는 섬의 역할, 위치, 역사 자료와 서사 문학 속에서 공간성의 차이, 작품의 내부와 외부의 시간의 흐름이 지니는 역할 등을 바탕으로 하여 기카이가지마 섬을 헤테로크로니아를 지니고 있는 헤테로토피아로 보았다. 공간성의 인식과 파악은 자신이 서 있는 위치에 따라서 결정된다. 기카이가지마 섬을 ‘貴’로 인식한 것이 유황을 팔던 상인들의 시가이라고 한다면, 13세기의 『헤이케모노가타리』에 등장하는 ‘鬼’의 기카이가지마 섬은 교토에 사는 귀족들의 인식에 의한 것이라고 볼 수 있다. 또한 1920년 발표된 구라타 하쿠조의 현대 희곡 『슌칸』과 1921년 기쿠치 간의 단편소설 『슌칸』, 1922년 아쿠타가와 류노스케의 『슌칸』에서는 각각의 작가가 무엇을 중심으로 기카이가지마 섬을 인식하였는가에 따른 문제라고 볼 수 있다. 기카이가지마 섬은 시대의 흐름과 작품의 주체가 누구이며 무엇을 중심으로 인식하고 있는가에 따라서 변화한다. 본고에서는 그러한 섬의 특징을 헤테로토피아로 설명한다. The heterotopia is clearly the existence of space, by spatiality can not coexist in this space comes uncertainty and ambiguity, a space with a hybridity. The passage of time in the space is not affected by external time is referred to as hetero chromia. This Island and has a spacious covered in this paper is as opposed to the island and its exact location and role clear to the existence and This transformation is produced back in the 13th century epic 『Heike Monogatari』 and 20th centuries, the modern plays, short stories from a variety of spacious represented. I judge the uncertainty and ambiguity of these islands as heterotopia, and will determine what kind of look in the annals of history, narrative works. Change of spatiality is close to the flow of time. Particularly heterotopia repeats the creation and termination, depending on the speed of the flow of time in the flow of a typical time and is independent of its space has only. The island has appeared in a number of different aspects in the literature across the passage of time in the 20th century from the 13th century. The island is different from that in the same space, yet at all, and 12 islands, and also seems to conflict and complex aspects of one of the island too. The island is also affected by the passage of time inside the work. Depending on the shape of the island has been used for any purpose and meaning of the passage of time in each work in is changing again. I serve on the island, location, historical data, and the difference between spatiality in the narrative, based on the role having internal and external to the work flow of the time saw the island as a heterotopia, which has a hetero chromia. The recognition and understanding of spatiality is determined based on their location. The islands ``precious`` It is the time of the sulfur recognized as a trader who sold the island appeared to ``spirit`` in the 13th century, 『Heike Monogatari』 is due to the recognition of the nobility lived in Kyoto. In addition to Kurata Hyakuzo’s also announced contemporary plays 『syunkan』, short stories between 1920 『syunkan』 1921 Kikuchi’s 『syunkan』, and the Akutagawa Ryunosuke’s 『syunkan』 of 1922 can be seen as a problem according to recognized the island as a center of what each artist. Gikaigazima Island covered in this paper is who is the subject of the age of the flow of work and vary depending on whether the focused and aware of what to look at these aspects as Heterotopia.

일제시대 재일조선인사 속의 ‘탄압과 박해’에 대한 연구

김인덕(Kim In-Duck) 강원대학교 인문과학연구소 2006 江原人文論叢 Vol.15 No.-

재일조선인의 역사 속에서 탄압과 박해, 그리고 학살의 문제는 존재 그 자체가 역사 속에 기억되는 것이 그리 즐거운 일은 아니다. 그럼에도 불구하고 탄압과 박해는 객관적인 역사적 사실로 존재했고, 그 속에서 조선인은 삶을 영위했던 것이다. 주요한 네 가지의 탄압과 박해의 역사는 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 첫째, 관동대지진은 진재가 아니라 학살이었다. 학살은 조직적으로 자행되었다. 일제는 사회운동을 탄압하면서 눈에 가시였던 조선인을 쓸어내려고 했다. 관동대지진은 적어도 6천명 이상의 조선인이 죽어갔던 탄압과 박해를 넘은 죽음의 역사였던 것이다. 둘째, 선진적인 활동가 김천해는 감옥에서 야수적인 일제의 탄압에도 불구하고 옥내 투쟁을 전개했다. 그는 감옥에서 1930년 3ㆍ1운동 기념투쟁, 메이데이투쟁 등을 주동했고, 특히 옥중에서도 『감방신문』을 발간하여 이론적으로 무장해 갔다. 그리고 공판투쟁을 통해, 비록 감옥 안이지만 탄압에 정면에서 맞서 싸웠다. 셋째, 강제연행은 일제에 의해 1939년 이후 1945년 8월 일본 패망까지 자행되었다. 이 때 일제는 노무동원, 병력동원, 준병력동원, 여성동원 등을 통해 자신들의 요구에 따라 물자와 인력을 수탈해 갔다. 이러한 조선인에 대한 강제연행은 조선인을 전선과 노동현장에 끌고 갔고, 결국 제국 일본에 충성을 다하지 않으면 죽음으로 귀결되었다. 넷째, 해방 공간인 1948년 한신교육투쟁은 조선인이 조선인으로 살아가고 성장할 권리를 지키기 위해, 미ㆍ일의 권력에 대항해서 일어났던 사건이었다. 이것은 재일조선인 스스로가 규정하듯이, 자위를 위해 일어났던 역사적 사건이었다. 이상과 같은 ‘박해와 탄압’의 역사는 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 첫째, 계획적인 탄압과 박해가 자행되었고, 그것은 학살로 이어졌다. 둘째, 박해와 탄압은 민중의 투쟁력을 자극했다. 셋째, 박해와 탄압에 맞선 투쟁은 끝내 승리를 획득했다. 넷째, 재일조선인사 및 우리 민족운동사 속의 이정표로 자리 매김되고 있다. On a history of Korean residents' in Japan, problems issued by suppression, persecution, and massacre are not pleasant as being remembered. Although oppression and torment were existed as an objective fact, Korean residents' in Japan could have carried their lives on. The great four histories of suppression and torment can be summarized. First of all, the great Kanto earthquake(1923) was more like a massacre than an earthquake disaster ; the massacre was indulged systematically. Japanese imperialism had tried to clean Koreans (who were eyesore) out through coercing social movements. It was the history over suppression and persecution with at least 6,000 people's death. Second of all, futuristic activist Kim Chun-hae(金天海) kept unfolding struggles in a prison even though he had experienced brutal pressure from Japanese. Memorial conflict of March 1st, May day conflict were took the lead by Kim and throughout publishing 'a cell paper'(『감방신문』), he had equipped himself in theory. In addition, he had faced suppression even though he was in the prison. Third, compulsory execution(강제연행) had Japanese own way from 1939 to August 1945. At this time, Japanese imperialism plundered materials and human powers with mobilization of labor, military, and women who were what they required. These kinds of compulsive haul had been advanced in various ways, Japanese made Koreans be loyal to Japanese empire if casualties don't, Japanese brought them to war vessel or labor field and slaughter Koreans. Last, the Hanshin educational struggle(한신교육투쟁) was against the United States and Japan's authorities to defend Koreans' rights to live as a Korean. As Korean residents in Japan say, it was the historical event for the self-protection in the early era. Such persecution, suppression-histories can be organized by following statements. First, intentional suppression was continued by persecution. Second, suppression and torment stimulated people's power of strife. Third, eventually, struggle gained victories from oppressions. Fourth, it became a milestone for history of Korean residents' in Japan and Korean people movements.