关于周作人及其散文创作中“故乡情结”的探析 ― 以浙东文化为中心

蔡捷 ( Cai¸ Jie ) 한국중국학회 2021 중국학보 Vol.97 No.-

周作人, 这样一位驰骋在二十世纪上半叶中国近现代文学领域中的作家, 出身于绍兴世家, 是鲁迅之弟, 从小深受地域文化的熏陶, 对家乡人民的民俗风情颇有研究, 以至于在散文创作中对故乡的风土习俗及其历史背景信手拈来, 他的作品可谓是当代学者研究浙东文化的一手好材料。 本文主要内容共分为五章。首先在导论中, 我们导入了浙东文化这一语境。第二章主要是从平淡冲和下的闲适和苦涩新奇后的坚韧着手, 分析了浙东文化与周作人的性格禀赋。第三章则考察了浙东文化与周作人的创作理念之间的联系, 即探讨了周作人如何将“开放兼容, 经世致用”的浙东文化为己所用, 又是怎样从现实主义出发, 将“人的文学”一贯到底。第四章则在前三章的论述之下, 进而探讨了周作人散文中的“故乡情结”, 根据周作人在散文创作中对故乡风俗的描绘, 以及对故乡优异品格的继承, 总结出故乡书写实际上是作家文化身份的建构与认同, 而并不是自身在文章中说的“没有特别的情分”。最后以前面章节所述为基础做总结, 并且通过周作人与其兄长鲁迅创作风格的对比, 论证“地域决定论”的欠缺性, 并提出日后值得研究和探讨的方向。 Zhou Zuoren had been an active writer in contemporary Chinese literature in the first half of the 20th century, and he was the younger brother of Lu Xun. He had been deeply influenced by local culture and studied natural features and custom of his hometown, explored the historical background in the field of prose, and his works are excellent materials for contemporary scholars to research on Zhedong Culture. The content of this article is divided into five chapters. In the introduction part, the context of Zhedong Culture is applied, and Zhedong Culture and Zhou Zuoren’s character endowment is mainly analyzed in the second chapter. The third chapter examines the connection between Zhedong Culture and Zhou Zuoren’s creative ideas. The fourth chapter analyzes the contents of Nostalgia in prose of Zhou Zuoren based on the third chapter and reveals that hometown-related works are actually the artist’s cultural identity, and it does not mean that special affection is not included in his writing based on his description of hometown customs in prose and the succession of the dignity of the hometown. Lastly, this article summarizes the shortcomings of regional determinism by comparing Zhou Zuoren and his elder brother Lu Xun’s creative style, and argues the lack of regional determinism to suggest future research assignments and directions.

중국 국내법상의 유엔해양법협약의 수용 고찰 ― 중국의 2개의 해양법을 중심으로

채첩 ( Cai Jie ) 고려대학교 중국학연구소 2020 中國學論叢 Vol.0 No.67

It is the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), adopted in April 1982, that currently regulates the international maritime order. This Convention codified a 200-nautical mile exclusive economic zone (EEZ) system, which became a common law in an unusually short period in the history of the formation of international law, and significantly expanded the resource jurisdiction of coastal states via establishment of a new concept of continental shelf and so on. In addition to that, it defined deep seabed resources as the “common heritage of mankind” and had the International Seabed Authority - which represents all mankind - control this. And such changes in international maritime order have led to the coastal countries’ policies for expanding their maritime jurisdiction. In this study, we considered the status on how the UNCLOS, concluded in 1982, was accepted in the Chinese domestic legislation and what specific rules have been applied to that. Among them, we intended to address the Territorial Sea & Contiguous Zone Act, and the EEZ & Continental Shelf Act, which have the significance of the Constitutional Scripture in China. Specifically, concentrating on three dimensions, i.e., the legislative background of maritime-related laws in China, the China’s enactment of the Territorial Sea & Contiguous Zone Act and the EEZ & Continental Shelf Act, and the China’s acceptance of the UNCLOS as a domestic law, we attempted to investigate what consistency and discrepancy might exist, when China accepts the new maritime law system through the UNCLOS.

论后冷战时代韩国海洋安全战略演变及中国因素: 以防御性现实主义视域下的海权为中⼼

蔡捷(Cai Jie) 부경대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2021 인문사회과학연구 Vol.22 No.4

해양은 한 국가의 발전과 성장의 지속에 있어 무엇보다 중요한 역할을 담당해왔으며, 특히 동아시아 지역의 안보차원에서 해양을 둘러싼 문제는 그 중요성이 꾸준히 증대되어 왔다. 특히 세계 연안국들이 자국의 실정에 알맞은 해양안보전략을 수립하기 위해 노력하는 사이, 동아시아 해상강국으로 한국이 부상했고, 현재 세계 각국의 많은 관심을 끌고 있다. 한국 해군은 20년이 지난 지금 급격하게 성장했고, 동북아 해양강국으로 자리매김 되었다. 따라서 한국의 해양안보전략에 대한 연구의 중요성과 한국의 군사논리 발전, 전략 범위 등이 어떻게 변화되어왔는지에 대해 연구를 할 필요가 있다. 뿐만 아니라, 한국이 해양안보전략을 책정하거나 해군력이 증강할 때, 이에 영향을 미치는 주요 요인을 분석하는 것도 중요한 의의를 지닌다. 본 논문의 구성은 다음과 같다. 먼저 제I장에서는 탈냉전기 한국 해양안보전략 연구가 지닌 의미를 설명하고, 선행연구 및 ‘방어적 현실주의 이론 시야 하의 해양력’이라는 분석틀을 제시한다. 제Ⅱ장에서는 한국 해양안보전략 변천 과정의 이행과 특징을 전략 방향 조정과 전략 범위 변화라는 두 가지 축으로 개관한다. 제Ⅲ장에서는 탈냉전기 한국 해양안보전략 변화 과정에 존재하는 중국으로부터의 요인을 고찰한다. 주로 중국 국방정책과 군사교리 발전 및 이어도를 둘러싼 한중 양국의 대립과 해상교통로의 중요성에 대해 분석한다. 제Ⅳ장에서는 결과적으로 한국의 해양안보전략 변화에 중국 요인이 작동되어 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. ‘방어적 현실주의 이론 시야 하의 해양력’이란 구조에서 한국 해군력 강화와 한미동맹 강화를 초래하며, 현재 한국의 대양해군 전략과 미국의 ‘아시아 회귀’ 전략이 동북아 지역의 군비경쟁을 불가피하게 만들어 해양충돌 가능성이 커진다고 본다. 본 연구를 통해, 해양권익 분쟁을 둘러싼 한중 간 대립의 단면을 보고 우리가 21세기 양국 간 전략적 소통 및 해상협력을 어떻게 강화하고 이를 바탕으로 해양경제의 발전과 효익 상의 상생을 도모할 수 있을지 시대적 과제로서 숙고해야 한다고 생각된다. The ocean has been a vital role for a country’s development and growth. In particular, the importance of the issue about the ocean and its security in East Asia have been steadily highlighted. South Korea has emerged as an East Asian powerful nation and receives a lot of attention from around the world while coastal countries around the world are striving to establish ocean security strategy based on their situations. The South Korea Navy has grown rapidly over 20 years and settled as ocean powerful nation in Northeast Asia. Therefore, it is required to conduct a study on the importance of research on South Korea’s ocean security strategy, and how South Korea’s military logic development and strategic scope have changed. Adding to this, it would be a great importance to analyze the main factors when South Korea sets up ocean security strategy or strengthens its naval power. The content of this study is as follows. Chapter 1 explains the meaning of research on post-cold war era of South Korea’s ocean security strategy and presents a framework for analysis of preceding studies and “sea power from the point of view of defensive realism theory”. Chapter 2 outlines the implementation and characteristics of the transition process of South Korea’s ocean security strategy in two: “Coordination of strategic direction” and “Change of strategic scope.” Chapter 3 considers the Chinese factors that are found in the transition process of South Korea’s ocean security strategy during the post-cold war era. It focused on analyzing the confrontation between South Korea and China with China’s defense policy, development of military doctrines, and Ieodo Ocean and the importance of ocean transportation routes. Lastly, chapter 4 shows that Chinese factors are related to changes in South Korea’s ocean security strategy. “Sea power from the point of view of defensive realism theory” leads to strengthening South Korea’s naval power and South Korea-United States alliance, and the U.S. “Return to Asia” strategy make arms race inevitable in Northeast Asia, increasing the possibility of ocean collision. For us living in the 21st century, it is regarded that it is our task to consider how to strengthen strategic communication and ocean cooperation between the two countries and it is thought to be a task of the times to consider the development of ocean economy and co-prosperity in terms of benefits considering the aspect of the confrontation between Korea and China over the dispute of ocean rights and interests as shown in this study.

탈냉전기 한국의 대양해군 건설에 관한 연구

채첩(Jie Cai),이승환(Seunghoan Lee) 부경대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2023 인문사회과학연구 Vol.24 No.1

한국 해군은 오랫동안 연안 방어가 가능한 해군력을 통해 북한의 공작선 침투에 대응하는 전략에 초점을 맞추어 운영되어 왔지만, 안병태 해군참모총장 재임 시기인 1995년 ‘대양해군’ 슬로건을 내걸게 되었다. 그러나 2010년 3월 26일 천안함 피격사건의 발생으로 ‘연안 방어도 완벽하지 않은데, 대양해군으로의 전략 이행이 옳은가’라는 비판적 여론이 대두됨으로써, 이른바 대양화 전략은 일견 주춤하는 모습을 보였다. 하지만 이는 결코 대양해군이라는 전략의 포기로 이어진 것은 아니다. 2013년 2월 7일 개최된 KODEF에서 당시 최윤희 해군참모총장은 해군전략의 폭을 ‘대양’으로 확대할 것을 주장했다. 이는 사실상 폐기됐던 ‘대양해군’의 재추진을 의미한다. 이후 박근혜 정부는 이명박 정부에서 통폐합되었던 해양수산부를 부활시켰으며, 대양해군 건설을 재개해 현대화 해군을 건설을 추진해왔다. 문재인 정부는 ‘해양강국’과 ‘대양해군’의 필요성에 대해 언급했으며, 특히 해군력을 ‘개방・통상국가의 국력’으로 규정하고 해군창설 100주년이 되는 2045년까지 한국은 강한 해군력을 기반으로 해양강국이 될 것을 강조했다. 본 연구의 구성은 다음과 같다. 제Ⅰ장에서는 탈냉전기 한국의 대양해군 비전에 대한 연구가 지닌 의미를 설명하고 문제를 제기했다. 제Ⅱ장에서는 이론적 배경으로 ‘대양해군 전략 추진의 결정 요인 분석’이라는 틀을 제시하고자 한다. 제Ⅲ장에서는 대양해군 전략 추진 결정 요인을 내부와 외부 요인으로 나누어 분석하고 , 제Ⅳ장에서는 대양해군 전략 추진과정에서 나타나는 문제점들을 개관하고자 한다. 이런 측면에서 한국의 대양해군 건설은 당면한 안보위협인 북핵 위협을 간과한 처사라는 비판이 제기될 수 있다. 해군 전략의 실패는 한국 국민의 신뢰를 잃는 단초로 비화될 수 있다는 가능성을 간과해서는 안 된다. 기존의 단층적 전력 건설에서 탈피해 보다 복합적이고 다층적인 국가안보 전력 건설로 제자리를 찾아야 하는 이유다. 따라서 제Ⅴ장에서는 대양해군 전략 추진 및 건설에서의 효율성 증진을 위한 제언을 제기하고자 한다. 특히 내부 차원에서의 효율적인 대양해군 건설 추진을 위한 제언을 제시하고, 대외 차원에서 21세기 전(全)지구적 전략 경쟁 안에서의 명확한 대양해군 방향성 설정에 대해 분석한다. 마지막으로 ‘시작이 반’이라는 말처럼 대양해군의 정체성 진화, 진정한 전력 증강과 대북 절대우위의 해군력 건설의 계기가 될 것을 기대한다. Republic of Korea Navy(ROKN) has long been operating mainly on responding to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), which has coastal naval power and mainly penetrates craft ships, but in 1995, when Ahn Byung-tae was the Chief of Naval Operations, he put up the banner of the ‘Ocean-going Navy’. However, when the Cheonan ship was invaded in 2010, criticism increased, saying, “What Ocean-going Navy is it when you can’t even keep the coast?” and it is showing signs of slowing down the ‘Ocean-going Navy’. However, this does not mean giving up the strategy of the ‘Ocean-going Navy’. At the KODEF held on February 7, 2013, Navy Chief of Staff Choi Yoon-hee insisted on a significant expansion of the naval strategy to the ‘Ocean’. This was interpreted as re-promoting the ‘Ocean-going Navy’, which had been virtually discarded. Since then, the Park Geun Hye government has revived the Ministry of Oceans and Fisheries, which had been suspended during the Lee Myung Bak government, and has resumed construction of the Ocean Navy to promote the construction of a modernized navy. Currently, the Moon Jae In government mentions the necessity of ‘marine power’ and ‘Ocean-going Navy’, especially defining naval power as ‘national power of an open and trading state’, and emphasizing that Korea will become a maritime power based on strong naval power by 2045. The composition of this study is as follows. First, First, Chapter I explains the meaning of research on ROK’s vision of the ‘Ocean-going Navy’ during the post-Cold War period and raises questions. Chapter II proposes a framework called ‘an analysis of determinants of the promotion of the Ocean-going Navy strategy’ as a theoretical background. Chapter III analyzes the determinants of the Ocean Navy strategy promotion by dividing them into internal and external factors, and Chapter IV examines the problems that arise in the ‘Ocean-going Navy’ strategy promotion process. In this respect, criticism could be raised that South Korea's construction of an ‘Ocean-going Navy’ overlooked the immediate security threat, the North Korean nuclear threat. We should not overlook the possibility that the failure of the naval strategy could lead to the loss of trust from the Korean people. This is why it is necessary to break away from the existing single-layer power construction and find its place with more complex and multi-layered national security power construction. Therefore, Chapter V proposes to promote the ‘Ocean-going Navy’ strategy and improve efficiency in construction. In particular, we present suggestions for the efficient construction of the ‘Ocean-going Navy’ at the internal level, and analyze the clear direction of the ‘Ocean-going Navy’ within the global strategic competition of the 21st century at the external level. Finally, it is hoped that it will serve as an opportunity to evolve the identity of the ROK’s ‘Ocean-going Navy’, strengthen its true power, and build a naval force with an absolute advantage over DPRK.

中国的灾害治理和“颠倒意象” ― 以汶川地震为例

金暎根 ( Kim Younggeun ),蔡捷 ( Cai Jie ) 고려대학교 중국학연구소 2021 中國學論叢 Vol.- No.71

The purpose of this paper is to examine the current status and challenges of disaster governance by examining the case of disaster management in China. In particular, I would like to analyze to what extent the field-led “the reversed image” theory can be applied away from the traditional state-led governance. Furthermore, it aims to explore the possibility of international cooperation and to present a platform (model) in connection with lessons and tasks learned through case analysis. The structure of this paper is as follows. First, in the introduction (I), the disaster history in China is outlined, and a prior study and an analysis framework called “disaster governance of reverse image” is presented. Chapter II provides an overview of China’s disaster history by period. Chapter III examines China’s disaster management and theory (model). Chapter IV provides case analysis on China’s Wenchuan earthquake and crisis management system. Finally, Chapter V conclusively proposes Chinese-style disaster management and human security. In summary, unlike Japan, the traditional disaster governance led by the government (state) is still mainly operating in China’s “crisis management”. However, in recent years, there is an opportunity to shift to disaster governance based on the reversed image, and new actors such as local governments and NGOs/NPOs are also striking. In particular, the “social participation type governance” that has recently emerged when categorizing China’s disaster governance process and mechanism is a representative administrative system of the reverse image. However, the limitations of the preceding studies, which are still recognized as a system in which the traditional disaster governance under the government’s initiative operates, are also clear. As a result, international cooperation between Korea, China and Japan on the disaster agenda is also possible. It is evaluated as being prepared.