韩国对朝奥运外交对朝鲜半岛局势的影响

涂,波 대한중국학회 2018 대한중국학회 학술대회 발표집 Vol.2018 No.2

朝鲜在金正恩就任最高领导者以后一直在不断试射导弹, 并进行了数次的核试验。尤其在2017年, 朝鲜进行了两次核试验和多次导弹试射, 极大的加剧了朝鲜半岛的紧张局势, 也引发了国际社会的一致批判和制裁。2017年新上任的韩国文在寅政府一方面采取了加强韩美同盟, 通过举行联合军演等方式来应对朝鲜的核导试射, 另一方面也没有放弃在参选期间就提出的继承发扬“阳光政策”, 文在寅先后提出了“柏林构想”、向朝鲜提供人道援助计划和朝鲜局势“驾驶员论”等具有怀柔性质的外交设想。伴随着平昌冬奥会越来越近, 韩国对朝鲜加强了“奥林匹克外交”的攻势。文在寅于2017年末向美国提出了延期美韩军事演习的提案, 释放出了对朝鲜的最积极信号, 获得了朝鲜的积极回应。两国在板门店举行会谈, 拉开了以“平昌奥运会”为契机的朝韩对话序幕。2018年后, 朝韩成功实现了三次首脑会谈, 朝美首脑也成功的在新加坡举行了首次会谈。以奥运外交为契机, 朝鲜半岛的局势重新回到了协商谈判的良好局面。文在寅政府通过以平昌奥运会加深了朝韩两国的互信, 也加强了朝鲜弃核的决心;不过半岛的局势虽然有所缓和, 光靠韩国一国之力来推动局势的良性发展还面临很大的困难, 美国的态度将继续影响朝鲜半岛局势的未来发展方向;在奥运外交后期的半岛要实现无核化和推动和平进程仍然任重道远。朝韩等国应该充分利用平昌奥运外交带来的良好态势来延续对话, 促进朝美协商签署停战协定, 并最终找到朝鲜半岛走向和平发展的根本之策。

论中国当代少数民族诗歌创作的原型构建

涂 鸿,王丹 한국중국언어문화연구회 2009 한중언어문화연구 Vol.- No.20

The archetypes imago of Chinese contemporary minority poetry is an important carrier of a poet’s creation and the expression of collective unconsciousness , and is the outpouring of human essential and deep desire. Chinese contemporary minority poets often prefer the native culture type and art intuition which is not be dissimilated by modern civilization. With the Schauen of modern awakening consciousness, they re-scan national spirit and culture, seeking those mysterious and extensive existences in the national life, and revealing mystical longing. Employing various kinds of archetypes constructions with flavors of metaphor, symbolism, and moral, they stretch out individuality life with the freedom of the soul and life, the minority poets integrally reflecting the basic themes of nature, life, history, ethics, sexual passion, and so on.

从“独语”到“对话” ——论中国当代民族文学获取在场性谈论的资格

涂 鸿,王 进 한국중국언어문화연구회 2010 한중언어문화연구 Vol.- No.23

Most ethnic regions in China are relatively self‐enclosing and mysterious. But the western culture and ideologies since 1980s has had an immense influence not only on the Chinese contemporary literature of Han, but also the ethnic literature,which is relatively self‐enclosing and has its own independent culture and existence. Surviving in the background of the world context, the ethnic literature has monologue type as well as dialogue type, and both of which are the necessary reality which can not be omitted in their confrontation. The national classic has been forced to exeunt in the world context. The spirit of World ideology is that which the ethnic literature must pursuit without hesitation if it want to gain the qualification of presence talking and be chosen to read by the foreign lands. The world ideology is the highest orientation of construction of contemporary ethnic literature. Chinese Ethnic Literature, the first time ever foreign culture and thought in the West under the influence of modern consciousness produced by the analysis and research, and thereby demonstrate that they possess the unique character of literature and art as well as their unique position art of communication, will be a very meaningful.

中国3.0版外交政策的新发展和朝鲜半岛和平进程

涂,波 대한중국학회 2019 대한중국학회 학술대회 발표집 Vol.2019 No.1

我国的外交政策已经进入到了“习近平新时代中国特色社会主义”下的3.0版外交时期, 它自2017年以来继续有着新的发展:一是在中共十九大会议上强调了“周边外交方针”, 并把“人类命运共同体”理念下的“一带一路”写进了《党章》;二是在第十三届全国人代大会第一次会议上, 在《宪法》里增加了“坚持和平发展道路”、“坚持互利共赢开放战略”和“推动构建人类命运共同体”三方面的内容。作为受全球瞩目的负责任大国, 我国的3.0版外交政策的新发展(new development)将对朝鲜半岛的和平进程产生深远影响。本文运用了文献研究的方法来考察了中国的3.0版外交政策在近年来的新发展对朝鲜半岛和平进程的影响, 并提出了相关建议。中国将继续把外交重心聚焦于朝鲜半岛等周边国家和地区上;朝鲜半岛的和平符合中国的外交利益, 中国将联合其他大国来共同促进半岛和平;并推动在“一带一路”和“人类命运共同体”等层面和朝韩进行对接;中国将成为推动朝鲜半岛和平发展进程的重要国际支撑力量。

“一带一路” 背景下对巴基斯坦民粹主义的三维视角分析

涂,波(Bo Tu) 한국정치사회연구소 2020 한국과 국제사회 Vol.4 No.5

中巴两国的深厚友谊和“全天候战略合作伙伴关系”给两国围绕“一带一路”展开的各项合作提供了政府层面的巨大支撑,也使中国和巴基斯坦正继续向着“以中巴经济走廊建设为中心,以瓜达尔港、交通基础设施、能源和产业合作为重点,形成‘1+4’经济合作布局,实现合作共赢和共同发展”的目标继续前进。不过,两国关系也在持续发展的过程中不断面临着一些挑战,其中巴基斯坦国内的民粹主义问题逐渐显现,如果放任其泛滥,将有可能导致中巴经济走廊等各项合作面临巨大威胁。因此加强对巴基斯坦民粹主义的基础研究对于继续发展中巴两国的全天候战略合作伙伴关系,并保证中巴经济走廊的各方面既得成果和长期规划得以顺利实施有着非常重要的意义。本文在整理回顾了当前的民粹主义理论研究现状和不足后,针对巴基斯坦国各方面的特殊性,创新地选取了阶级、宗教和地域三维视角来对其民粹主义进行了剖析,深刻起底民粹主义滋生繁衍的营养源。本文认为从阶级视角看,巴基斯坦民粹主义有着鲜明的阶级对立和斗争特征;从宗教视角看,巴基斯坦的民众和宗教存在一种根生蒂固的政治心理;从地域视角看,巴基斯坦伊斯兰传统社会结构决定了个体对宗教、家族和更小范围地域等的忠诚度超过对民族国家的忠诚度。 Bilateral profound friendship between China and Pakistan and the all-weather strategic partnership have given great support to mutual cooperation. China and Pakistan are moving forward to the goal of economic corridor construction as the center, Gwadar port, transport infrastructure, energy and industrial cooperation as the points to form the ‘1+4’ economic cooperation and common development . However, the relationship between the two countries is also facing some challenges in the process of sustainable development, among which the populist in Pakistan is gradually emerging. If left unchecked, it may lead to a great threat to CPEC and other cooperation. Therefore, strengthening basic research on populism in Pakistan is of great significance for enhancing the all-weather strategic cooperative partnership and ensuring the smooth implementation of the CPEC. After reviewing the current research status and deficiencies of populism theory, this paper analyzes populism from the dimensions of social classes, religions and regions, so as to deeply understand the breeding source of populism. From the perspective of class, populism in Pakistan has distinct characteristics of class antagonism. From a religious perspective, there is a deeply rooted political psychology among the Pakistani people. From a regional perspective, the traditional social structure of Islam in Pakistan determines that the loyalty of individuals to religion, family and a smaller region is greater than the loyalty to the nation state.

习近平执政时期中国外交政策的对印外交实践

두보(Bo Tu)(涂,波) 한국정치사회연구소 2021 한국과 국제사회 Vol.5 No.3

中国进入到“习近平新时代中国特色社会主义”下的3.0版外交时期后,在实践中不断发展,尤其是2017年以来,3.0版中国外交政策继续有新的变化:一是强调了“周边外交方针”,并把“人类命运共同体”理念下的“一带一路”写进了《党章》;二是在《宪法》里增加了“坚持和平发展道路”、“坚持互利共赢开放战略”和“推动构建人类命运共同体”。除此之外,“亚洲新安全观”和“底线思维”等新的理念也逐渐在中国的外交实践中不断得到落实。在风云多变的国际社会里,不断有反全球化和反区域一体化的逆流出现,莫迪政府领导的印度就是一个例子。莫迪极力推行印度教民族主义,不仅在印度境内掀起了一轮又一轮宗教民族主义思潮,而且还外溢到了国际社会。尤其印度军方分别两次越境进入中国,制造了洞朗事件和加勒万河谷冲突,严重影响了中印两国关系,也给3.0版中国外交政策造成了严峻考验。本文着力研究了3.0版外交政策发展时期的重要理念是如何运用到对印度的外交博弈里,又是怎样既避免事态升级,又不卑不亢合理发声的。从结果上看,中国在洞朗事件上保持了高度克制,坚持通过谈判协商解决问题;在两次事件的中间期,中国积极推动首脑互动,努力寻求打造和平互利共赢的态势;而在加勒万河谷冲突时期,中国在坚持“底线思维”的同时,坚持和平发展道路。在今后,中国仍然需要坚持“新型大国关系”、“底线思维”和“亲诚惠容周边外交”等3.0版外交理念,在维护好中国核心利益的同时,尽力创造和维护良好的周边外交环境,以此来为国际社会的和平和发展做出贡献。 After entering the era of Xi Jinping administration, China s 3.0 version foreign policy has been continuously developing in practice. Especially since 2017, China s 3.0 version foreign policy continued to have new changes as follows: First, it emphasized the “Foreign Policy of Neighboring Countries” and put the “Belt and Road Initiative” into the Communist Party Constitution. Second, added “Adhering to the Path of Peaceful Development”, “Adhering to the Win-Win Strategy of Opening up” and “Promoting the Building of a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind” to China Constitution. Other than that, “New Concept of Asia Security” and “Bottom-line Thinking” also gradually are implemented in China s diplomatic practice. In the volatile international society, there have been upstreams against globalization and regional integration, of which Modi administration is one example. Modi pushed for Hindu nationalism, which not only set off drastically religious nationalism trend in the domestic, but also led to spillover into the international community. The Indian military respectively crossed the border into China and caused the Dong Lang Issue and the Galvan Valley Conflict. These issues seriously affected the relations between the two countries and challenged the implementation of China 3.0 version foreign policy. This paper focuses on how the important concepts in the 3.0 foreign policy were applied to the diplomatic practice against India, and how China avoided the escalation of the situation. From the paper, we can find that China maintained a high degree of restraint and insisted on solving the problem through negotiation and consultation in the Dong Lang Issue. In the interlude between the two issues, China actively promoted the interaction between two leaders and sought to build a momentum of peace and mutual benefit. In the Galvan Valley Conflict period, China stuck to the “Bottom-line Thinking” at well as adhered to the “Path of Peaceful Development”. China in the future will still need to adhere to these 3.0 version foreign concepts-- “the Great Power Relations”, “Bottom-line Thinking” and “Amity, Sincerity, Mutual Benefit and Inclusiveness in China s Neighborhood Diplomacy”. China will safeguard its core interests and maintain a good foreign environment in order to contribute to peace and development of the international society.

韩国安保外交的战略性变化对韩半岛局势的影响

두보(Bo Tu)(涂, 波) 한국국회학회 2022 한국과 세계 Vol.4 No.2

自金正恩成为北韩最高领导者后,北韩持续地进行了核试验并试射导弹,此举不仅加深了各利益相关国对韩半岛安全局势的担忧,还进而引发了一系列连锁效应。韩国在2017年也经历了朴槿惠政府因“崔顺实门”丑闻被弹劾下台,和共同民主党文在寅就任新总统等“大事件”。随着北韩在核问题上越走越远,原本志在继承和发扬“阳光政策”的文在寅新政府的安保外交立场在一定期间内也逐渐发生战略性变化,不仅加强了同美国的“传统”同盟关系,还在一定时期针对北韩在北核问题上的强硬态度,选择性地加强了韩美同盟和美日同盟的战略合作。但随后文在寅利用“平昌奥运会”的机会对北韩释放出了积极信号并获得了回应,两国拉开了以“平昌奥运会”为契机的南北对话序幕,扭转了南北关系的态势。本文以韩国安保外交的战略性变化对韩半岛的局势影响为研究目的,采取了文献研究方法进行分析。本文捕捉到了在北韩核导挑衅达到最高潮时,韩国文在寅政府安保外交政策出现了虽然短暂却明显的战略性变化。不过韩国认识到了单靠巩固军事同盟并不是解决韩半岛核问题的合理选项,转而加强对北韩的对话协商,带动韩半岛局势走向了缓和和对话,进而有望推动韩半岛实现最终的和平和繁荣。 After becoming North Korea s leader, Kim Jongen conducted nuclear tests and missile launches, which not only deepened the relevant countries’ concern about the security situation in the Korean peninsula, but also caused the South Korea to introduce THAAD system from the US, causing a series of knock-on effects. After going through Park Geunhae government’s “Choi Sunsil scandal”, Moon Jaein became the new president of South Korea. As North Korea walked to more extreme on the nuclear issue, Moon government, which originally wants to inherit and carry forward the Sunshine Policy , has gradually changed security strategic diplomatic stance by not only strengthening the traditional alliance with the United States, but also by discussing necessity of enhancing Korea-US and US-Japan alliance. However Moon government knew the “violence to violence” method might help improve the military deterrence against North Korea, but it’s not conductive to ease the situation. This paper adopted literature research method to analyze the influence of South Korea security diplomacy’s strategic change and its influence on the Korean Peninsula. South Korea realized that strengthening military alliance is not a rational choice, but insisting conversation and peace negotiation can find the way out of the dilemma. By doing this, South Korea performed a “sports diplomacy” to North Korea and brought Korea peninsula back to a relatively peaceful and consultative atmosphere.

追寻诗性的重新发现——论20世纪80年代后中国重庆苗族作家(诗人)语言符号系统的更新

汤巧巧,涂 鸿 한국중국언어문화연구회 2013 한중언어문화연구 Vol.- No.31

Literature is the art of language, the ideological contents, forms and techniques of any literature works are ultimately to be implemented on language. This paper uses the concept of “language” in a broad sense, not only referring to the characters themselves, but also including the artistic symbols composed by the characters based on a certain structuring approach--sentence, sentence group and even the text. Born in a very complicated language background, the Miao minority writers in Chongqing keep a potential connection with their mother language on one hand, and live in the Chinese mandarin environment on the other hand, furthermore, their creation is also deeply influenced by the western literature context, consequently, they have gained a sharp perception on language, their enriching and updating of the language symbol system is an arrestive question; their treatment and creation of the language symbol reflects a more and more mature text narrating model created by contemporary Chinese minority groups.

“一带一路”与东北亚地区: 中国的视角及政策转型

张,暮辉,涂,波 대한중국학회 2018 대한중국학회 학술대회 발표집 Vol.2018 No.2

自2013年伊始, 中国“一带一路”倡议的覆盖面逐步扩大, 目前已经涵盖了东南亚、中亚、南亚、东欧乃至非洲的广大地区。与此形成强烈反差的是, 东北亚地区仍然是“一带一路”的盲点地区。进入2018年以来, 中国政府开始对“一带一路”五年期的推行情况进行重新评估, 并开始做出一定程度的政策调整。另一方面, 随着东北亚地区的地缘政治形势逐步好转, 中国开始考虑将东北亚地区纳入到“一带一路”的版图之内。相对于中国在“一带一路”其他沿线地区所扮演的“主导性”角色, 中国在东北亚地区强调“一带一路”倡议与其他域内大国的“战略对接”。本文将重点考察中国在东北亚地区推行“一带一路”倡议的背景因素、具体政策, 以及可能面临的困难及挑战。同时, 本文将试从宏观和微观角度提出可行的政策建议。