주형용 (鑄型用) 자경성 (自硬性) 유기점결제 (有機粘結劑) (후란-No bake법)에 대하여

송포충의 (松浦忠義) ( T . Matsura ) 한국주조공학회 1979 주물기술 Vol.3 No.1

本府編纂普通學校敎科用圖書(兒童用)中定價改正に關する件

松浦 朝鮮敎育會 1929 文敎の朝鮮 Vol.- No.43

鮮産品生産出荷の統制

松浦瑛哉 京城商工會議所 1930 朝鮮經濟雜誌 Vol.- No.175

朝鮮物産を視察して

松浦瑛哉 京城商工會議所 1928 朝鮮經濟雜誌 Vol.- No.151

脱冷戦期日本と南北朝鮮の歴史和解推進要因に関する分析

松浦正伸 고려대학교 글로벌일본연구원 2019 일본연구 Vol.31 No.-

This paper analyzes post-Cold War diplomatic changes in East Asia, in a period when historical reconciliation advanced among the relevant states through the “Japan–South Korea Joint Declaration of 1998” and the “Japan–North Korea Pyongyang Declaration”. These two declarations were turning-points in the process of settling outstanding issues related to past traumatic events between Japan and the Korean peninsula. Japan and South Korea adopted the former declaration, as both countries recognized the necessity and benefits of strategic cooperation to promote regionalism in East Asia. The Kim Dae-jung administration required financial support from Japan in order to proceed with the Sunshine Policy (the South Korean policy of engagement with North Korea) and to deal with the Asian financial crisis. Japan, meanwhile, made further progress toward reconciliation through the “1997 Guidelines” and through legislation dealing with military emergencies in the event of a Korean crisis. Developing trilateral security cooperation was an important factor in achieving progress for Japan, South Korea, and the U.S., but it was felt it would especially enhance the Japan-U.S. alliance. Prime minister Obuchi’s expression of remorse and his heartfelt apology for Japan’s colonial rule of Korea, and his clear naming of the South Korean state in a diplomatic statement for the first time, were also instrumental in advancing the process of historical reconciliation. On the North Korean side, the Sunshine Policy of rapprochement, the increased perception of a U.S. threat, and domestic economic reforms became factors in closing the gap between the interests of Japan and North Korea. The Kim Dae-jung administration assisted the Japanese in furthering proactive diplomatic negotiations with North Korea, a radical departure from the stance of previous administrations which demanded that the Japanese adhere to the theory of “North-South equilibrium”. After 9.11, North Korea recognized a higher level of threat from the U.S., which at that time justified pre-emptive attacks on enemy countries which had weapons of mass destruction. In addition, North Korea urgently needed a massive inflow of foreign capital in order to reform its economy on a large scale. These factors contributed to North Korea’s involvement in the later declaration, which promoted a form of economic cooperation between Japan and North Korea. Rather than employing the traditional approach of “diplomatic normalization first, the abduction issue last,” the two countries chose the approach of reaching a “comprehensive solution,” which encompassed the resolution of historical issues. 本稿は脱冷戦期の日韓共同宣言と日朝平壌宣言によって東アジアに現れた政府間の歴史和解に向けた外交的変化を考察した。両宣言は日本と朝鮮半島の間で、不幸な過去の清算と諸懸案の解決を確認するという意味で、歴史和解の重要な転換点であった。前者は、金大中政権の太陽政策とアジア通貨危機後の対応をめぐる対日協力の必要性と日本の戦略的利益が共鳴した結果採択された。金大中にとって日韓協力の推進は、政権発足前年のアジア通貨危機に対応し、日本の対韓支援を引き出し、東アジア地域主義を推進するため不可欠であり、日本にとっても朝鮮有事を念頭に置いた“97指針”や有事法制が進展する中、日米同盟を強化し日米韓三ヶ国の安全保障協力を構築していく上で重要な関係であった。こうして日本が植民地支配に対する“痛切な反省”を初めて政府の外交文書に盛り込み、日本の首相が韓国という国名を明記し謝罪することで歴史和解に向けたプロセスが進展した。 また金大中政権の南北融和政策、北朝鮮の対米脅威認識、国内経済改革が、従来の日朝関係で存在していた利害認識の懸隔を縮小させた。“南北バランス論”を日本に要求した前政権とは異なり、金大中政権は日本に積極的な日朝交渉を促し、日本外交の対北政策空間を拡張させた。北朝鮮は同時多発テロ事件以降、WMDを保有する敵国への先制攻撃を正当化した米政権に脅威認識を抱き、大規模経済改革により迅速かつ大規模な外資導入が不可欠であった。その結果、日朝は“先国交正常化、後拉致問題”の従来型アプローチから歴史や拉致等の諸懸案を内包する“包括的妥結”アプローチで合意に至り、経済協力方式による宣言が導出された。

脱冷戦期日本と南北朝鮮の歴史和解 推進要因に関する分析

松浦正伸(MATSUURA, Masanobu) 고려대학교 글로벌일본연구원 2018 일본연구 Vol.31 No.-

This paper analyzes post-Cold War diplomatic changes in East Asia, in a period when historical reconciliation advanced among the relevant states through the “Japan–South Korea Joint Declaration of 1998” and the “Japan–North Korea Pyongyang Declaration”. These two declarations were turning-points in the process of settling outstanding issues related to past traumatic events between Japan and the Korean peninsula. Japan and South Korea adopted the former declaration, as both countries recognized the necessity and benefits of strategic cooperation to promote regionalism in East Asia. The Kim Dae-jung administration required financial support from Japan in order to proceed with the Sunshine Policy (the South Korean policy of engagement with North Korea) and to deal with the Asian financial crisis. Japan, meanwhile, made further progress toward reconciliation through the “1997 Guidelines” and through legislation dealing with military emergencies in the event of a Korean crisis. Developing trilateral security cooperation was an important factor in achieving progress for Japan, South Korea, and the U.S., but it was felt it would especially enhance the Japan-U.S. alliance. Prime minister Obuchi’s expression of remorse and his heartfelt apology for Japan’s colonial rule of Korea, and his clear naming of the South Korean state in a diplomatic statement for the first time, were also instrumental in advancing the process of historical reconciliation. On the North Korean side, the Sunshine Policy of rapprochement, the increased perception of a U.S. threat, and domestic economic reforms became factors in closing the gap between the interests of Japan and North Korea. The Kim Dae-jung administration assisted the Japanese in furthering proactive diplomatic negotiations with North Korea, a radical departure from the stance of previous administrations which demanded that the Japanese adhere to the theory of “North-South equilibrium”. After 9.11, North Korea recognized a higher level of threat from the U.S., which at that time justified pre-emptive attacks on enemy countries which had weapons of mass destruction. In addition, North Korea urgently needed a massive inflow of foreign capital in order to reform its economy on a large scale. These factors contributed to North Korea’s involvement in the later declaration, which promoted a form of economic cooperation between Japan and North Korea. Rather than employing the traditional approach of “diplomatic normalization first, the abduction issue last,” the two countries chose the approach of reaching a “comprehensive solution,” which encompassed the resolution of historical issues.

朝鮮敎育令の改正に就て

松浦 朝鮮敎育會 1929 文敎の朝鮮 Vol.- No.45

指定討論

松浦淸春,노진귀,尹于鉉,荒川春,김영철 한국ILO협회 1998 한국ILO협회 발간물 Vol.1998 No.06

일본에 있어서 전력기기의 절연진단기술

松浦虔士(마스우라겐지) 대한전기학회 1996 전기의 세계 Vol.45 No.4

遠隔日本語交流会参加者の気づきと学び

松浦?子(Matsuura, Keiko) 한국일본문화학회 2018 日本文化學報 Vol.0 No.76

The author has been invited Japanese language learners other than Korean native speakers living in Busan at her university to attend her classes, and held visitor sessions to talk with Korean native speakers in Japanese. However, it has become impossible to conduct visitor sessions because the university curriculums were changed. Therefore, the author has been conducting the online meetings instead that connect Sweden, China, Korea, and Japan (Japan joined in 2014) since 2012. Matsuura(2012) shows the results of the reflection sheets of visitor sessions which states the students’ comment in the reflection sheets can be classified such as “eliminating stereotypes”, “motivation for learning Japanese” and “interests to new cultures”. In this thesis, the students’ comments on reflection sheets after online meetings and comments from Matsuura(2012) were compared. As a result, similarities such as “eliminating stereotypes” and “motivation for learning Japanese” were observed, regardless of whether the sessions were face to face or online. However, as the collaborative research was being conducted with universities in Sweden, China, and Japan, problems such as adjusting schedule and matching the number of participants from each country were occurred.