李夢鶴亂에 對한 考察 : 이몽학난에 대한 고찰

박용숙 釜山大學校 敎養課程部 1974 論文集(교양과정부) Vol. No.

朝鮮朝 後期의 僧役에 關한 考察 : 조선조 후기의 승역에 관한 고찰

박용숙 釜山大學校 1981 論文集 Vol.31 No.1

朝鮮王朝의 納粟保管考 : 조선왕조의 납속보관고

박용숙 釜山大學校 1975 論文集 Vol.19 No.1

연재소설:이설.삼국유사(완)

박용숙 북한연구소 1975 北韓 Vol.- No.43

재생의료 접근성 제고를 위한 입법방안에 대한 고찰- 일본의 사례를 중심으로 -

박용숙 한국입법학회 2023 입법학연구 Vol.20 No.1

우리나라는 2019년 「첨단재생의료 및 첨단바이오의약품 안전 및 지원에 관한 법률」을 제정하여 2020년 9월부터 시행하고 있다. 그리고 이 법률에 따라 2020년 8월 28일 ‘첨단재생의료 임상연구 제도’가 처음 도입되어, 2021년 5월부터 본격적으로 심의가 진행되고 있다. 첨단재생의료는 사람의 신체 구조 또는 기능을 재생, 회복 또는 형성하거나 질병을 치료 또는 예방하기 위하여 인체세포 등을 이용하여 실시하는 세포치료, 유전자치료, 조직공학치료 등을 포함하는 것으로 특히 대체치료제가 없거나 생명을 위협하는 중대한 질환, 희귀질환과 난치질환 등을 가진 환자의 삶의 질 향상 및 질병 치료에 있어 새로운 치료대안이 될 수 있다는 점에서 많은 기대를 받고 있다. 첨단재생의료행위 역시 일반 의료행위와 마찬가지로 안전성과 유효성이 확인된 상태에서 실시될 수 있어야 한다. 그러나 임상연구를 통해 첨단재생의료의 안전성・유효성이 안전하게 입증되기까지 상당한 기간이 소요될 수 있으며, 임상연구 후에도 지속적인 모니터링을 통해 이상반응의 발생 현황 및 추이의 수집・분석 등이 필요하다. 그런데 「첨단재생의료 및 첨단바이오의약품 안전 및 지원에 관한 법률」」 제4조에서는 국가에게 ‘첨단재생의료기술을 개발하고 적용할 때 모든 환자들이 사회경제적 지위에 관계없이 쉽게 접근할 수 있도록 최대한의 노력을 기울여야’ 하는 책무가 있음을 명시하고 있다. 따라서 본고에서는 국내에서 재생의료에 대한 환자의 접근성을 높이기 위한 합리적 개선안의 도출을 위해, 재생의료 시술을 실시하고 있는 일본의 사례를 검토하여 시사점을 도출하였다.

朝鮮後期 鄕村社會構造에 관한 硏究 : With Marriage between Persons of the Same Surname in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries 18,19세기 同姓婚을 중심으로

朴容淑 부산대사학회 1984 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.8

This paper is concerned with how the legal prohibition on the marriage between persons of the same surname was reflected in the social life through the analysis of the census registers of Eonyang (彦陽) and Dansung (丹城) districts. The result of the present research is as follows: Although rare because of the legal prohibition, marriage between persons of the same surname was actually done. According to the census registers of Eonyang and Dansung districts, marriage between persons of the same surname and family origin was increasingly tending downwards in the course of time and the rate of it was only 0.5 per cent of all the married couples in the middle of the nineteenth century. However, marriage rate of persons whose surnames were same but family origins different was not only higher than the former case but also unchanged. The social status of those who married person with the same surname, if the family origins were same or not, were for the most part commoners, but Yangban(兩班) also were included in them, They increased in number as time went on and accounted for 80 per cent of the total married persons in the middle of the nineteenth century. The main surname in this district was that of the married persons with the same surname and most of them consisted of offsprings of the Kim's family from Kimhae(金海). Furthermore, the case of the same surname between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law from generation to generation were usually prominent in Yangban families. It was the Kim family from Kimhae that predominated in this case.

四神圖와 그 주제에 관한 고찰

朴容淑 同德女子大學校 1992 同大論叢 Vol.22 No.1

李仲燮의 "歷史的感性"에 대한 論考 : 그의 소를 중심으로

朴容淑 同德女子大學校 1993 同大論叢 Vol.23 No.1

18·19세기의 雇工 : 慶尙道 彦陽縣 戶籍의 分析

朴容淑 부산대사학회 1983 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.7

The purpose of this paper is to examine the actual conditions of the farm hands(雇工) and their master through the instances entered in the family resister of the eighteenth-and nineteenth century Unyang(彦陽). The results studied in the paper might be summed up griefly as fallows. First, the farm hands in Unyang were composed of the plebians and the slaves. But, as times went on, their social statuses were improved considerably and there existed the plebians alone among them in the beginning of the nineteenth century. In the case of Unyang district, these farm hands were derived from such the abnkkrupt free peasants as were found all over the country in the late Chosen by the early eighteenth century. Second, according to the analysis of the instances in the family register of Unyang district, in the early eighteenth century, there were a far greater number of males than of females among the farm hands. However, since the end of the same century, female numbers were larger and tended to rise, and the farm hands in all were females in the early nineteenth century. Third, in terms of the age, most of farm hands were composed of the the prime of youth and manhood who were of utility value as the agricultural labour-force. But, in its later phase, the farm hands of the female youth took its place. It is noteworthy that among them the female infants reached about 50% in the early nineteenth century. Fourth, what is certain is that the farm hands entered in the family register of Unyang, in the contrast with the popular opinion, were not the long term wage-earners or debtors employed for seasonal operation by creditors, but the employees dependent on the masters who offered them food, clothing, and without regard to the direct debt. Fifth, the tendency toward female farm hands was due to shelter the living-in by the bankkrupt of free peasant. The adoption of the female farm hand was because of the conditions that it was more profitable to use the female not only in the farming and the domestic services of the master or of his family in all kinds of capacities. Sixth, it seems clear that the masters of the farm hands in Unyang district were the noblemen or quasi-noblemen belonging to the upper class because they possessed the farm hands on a large scale.

일본에서의 문신시술행위 규제에 관한 법적 고찰 –문신시술행위의 의료행위성과 직업의 자유에 대한 침해를 중심으로–

박용숙 강원대학교 비교법학연구소 2019 江原法學 Vol.56 No.-

In contemporary society, tattooing is regarded as part of art or fashion, away from the antisocial and negative images of the past. However, despite the changes in society's perception of these tattoos, our current laws regulate tattooing practices as “Medical Service Act” and “Act on Special Measures for the Control of Public Health Crimes”. Of course, it can not be denied that the legislature's freedom of legislation is broadly recognized in order to ensure that the people receive a high level of medical care and to protect and promote the health of the people. However, there are constitutional problems such as freedoms of occupation and freedom of expression, which are prohibited uniformly without consideration of changes in social awareness of tattooing practices, risks to health and hygiene, substantial regulatory possibilities and preventable possibilities. In Japan, as in the case of ours, the act of tattooing was regarded as a medical act and the violation of Article 17 of the “Medical Practitioners’ Act” was the case. However, on November 14, 2018, the Osaka High Court ruled for the first time that the practice of tattooing was not a violation of the “Medical Practitioners’ Act”. The final judgment of the Supreme Court remains, but we have a great deal to suggest. The purpose of this study was to examine the history of tattooing in Japan (Ⅱ) and its regulations (Ⅲ), and then to examine the medical behavior of tattooing(Ⅳ). In addition, I examined the validity of the Supreme Court 's regulatory purpose established to limit the freedom of the profession, and examined the infringement of job freedom (Ⅴ) due to the prohibition of tattooing. 현대사회에서 문신은 과거의 반사회적 부정적 이미지로부터 탈피하여, 예술 또는 패션의 일부로서 여겨지고 있다. 그러나 이러한 문신에 대한 사회적 인식의 변화에도 불구하고 우리 현행법에서는 문신시술행위를 「의료법」 및 「보건범죄 단속에 관한 특별조치법」 등으로 규제하고 있다. 물론 국민이 수준 높은 의료 해택을 받을 수 있도록 그리고 국민의 건강을 보호하고 증진하기 위한 목적으로 행하는 이와 같은 규제에는, 입법부의 입법형성의 자유가 넓게 인정되는 것을 부인할 수는 없다. 그러나 문신시술행위에 대한 사회적 인식의 변화, 보건위생상의 위험성, 실질적 규제가능성 및 예방 가능성 등의 구체적 고려 없이 획일적으로 금지하고 있는 것은 직업의 자유 및 표현의 자유 등 헌법적 문제가 발생한다. 일본에서도 우리와 마찬가지로 문신시술행위를 의료행위라 판단하고, 「의사법」제17조 위반이라 여기는 것이 판례의 경향이었다. 그런데, 2018년 11월 14일 오사카 고등법원에서 처음으로 문신시술행위를 「의사법」위반이 아니라고 판시했다. 최고재판소의 최종적 판단은 아직 남아 있지만, 우리에게 시사하는 바가 크다. 이에, 본고에서는 일본에서의 문신시술의 역사(Ⅱ)와 그에 대한 규제(Ⅲ)를 살펴 본 다음, 일본의 판례와 학설에서의 의료행위에 대한 정의를 바탕으로 문신시술행위의 의료행위성(Ⅳ)을 검토하였다. 나아가 직업의 자유를 제한하기 위해 확립한 최고재판소의 규제목적 이분론의 타당성을 검토하여, 문신시술행위의 금지로 인한 직업의 자유의 침해(Ⅴ)에 대해 살펴보았다.