고려 현종대 開京 羅城 축조에 대한 재검토

윤경진 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2018 한국문화 Vol.0 No.84

Until now, the construction of the Naseong(羅城) Wall -which surrounded the Gaegyeong(開京) Capital- was believed to have lasted for 21 consecutive years, since 1009 through 1030. But in reality, it was built in mere 50 days in the year 1029. Motivated by the painful memories of the Gaegyeong capital falling during the Khitan invasion in 1010, the Naseong wall was constructed at the urging of Gang Gam-chan(姜邯贊), when international conditions started to change once again with the Heung’yo- guk(興遼國) uprising in 1029. The project was also accompanied by the construction of certain fortresses in Northern border areas. The year 1009, and the notion that construction of the Naseong wall began in this year, actually came from the discussion of 1369 -when Shin Don(辛旽) was in power- to renovate the Naseong walls. At the time, Gaegyeong had recently fallen to the Red Turban bandits[紅巾賊], and situations in Liadung were less than stable. So defenses at the Abrok-gang river line was reinforced accordingly, and promoted together with that task was the renovation of the Naseong capital walls. The Goryeo song (“Goryeo Gayo”) ‘Geumgang Fortress(Geumgang-seong, 金剛城)’ must have been created around this time. This renovation project resulted in the construction of the Inner Walls(Naeseong, 內城), as planned by Shin Don himself. But in Goryeo-sa it was recorded as a project from King Hyeonjong’s era, probably not to reveal the fact that the achievement was a culmination of Shin’s own policy.

계태아뇨막강액을 첨가한 계태아 섬유아단층세포에서의 Newcastle Disease Virus의 증식성

윤경진,전윤성 한국수의공중보건학회 1987 예방수의학회지 Vol.11 No.2

폐크라프트 펄프를 이용한 친환경 섬유제품의 응용

윤경진,권오훈,민부기,이창현,최승렬,김재용 한국공업화학회 2012 한국공업화학회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.2012 No.-

고려전기 京畿의 편성과 운영

윤경진 한국외국어대학교(글로벌캠퍼스) 역사문화연구소 2009 역사문화연구 Vol.33 No.-

In this article, the formation and operation of the Gyeonggi/京畿 region, in the early half period of the Goryeo dynasty, is examined through the periodic modifications made to the Gyeonggi institution. Also, a new kind of understanding of the nature of the Gyeonggi region is pursued as well. The Gaeseong-bu/開城府 unit in the 14th year of king Seongjong's reign, was a senior unit composed of several (junior) Hyeon/縣 units, but in the 9th year of king Hyeonjong's reign Gaeseong-bu was dismantled, and instead individual Hyeon-ryeong prefects for Gaeseong(開城縣令) and Jangdan(長湍縣令) areas were established, to oversee the 'affiliated Hyeon(Sokhyeon/屬縣)' units. And the relaying of documents did not go through the Gyesu-gwan/界首官 office, but directly went to the Sangseo-doseong/尙書都省 office. In the 16th year of king Munjong's reign, the Ji-Gaeseong-bu-sa/知開城府事 magistrate was established, replacing Gaeseong Hyeon-ryeong, while Jangdan Hyeon-ryeong continued to exist. The modification was made to increase the number of dispatched officials and as well enlarge the area under supervision, in order to address the taxation burdens imposed upon the area under supervision of Gaeseong-hyeon. 이 논문은 고려전기 京畿의 편성과 운영을 시기별 개편 추이에 맞추어 검토하고, 당시 경기의 실체에 대한 새로운 이해를 도모한 것이다. 고려의 경기는 성종 14년 개편을 통해 제도적인 모습을 갖추었다. 당시 개성부는 다수의 현으로 구성된 상위 영역이었다. 현종 9년에는 開城府를 폐지하고 개성현령과 장단현령을 두어 각각 3개 현과 7개 현을 관할하도록 하였다. 이것은 당시 主縣-屬縣體系에 준하여 경기를 편성한 것이다. 이와 더불어 “直隸尙書都省”의 운영체계를 적용하였는데, 이는 문서 轉送에서 界首官을 거치지 않고 상서도성에 직접 연결된다는 의미이다. 문종 16년에는 知開城府事를 설치하고 牛峯郡을 이속시키는 개편이 있었다. 『고려사』 지리지 京畿의 편성은 대략 이 때의 개편을 기준으로 하고 있다. 그러나 知開城府事의 설치는 개성현령을 대체하는 것으로, 개성부와 구별되는 개성현은 별도로 존재하지 않았다. 장단현령은 연혁상 현령이 폐지되고 개성부의 속현으로 편성된 것으로 나타나지만 당시 장단현령은 그대로 존속하면서 기존의 운영체계를 유지하고 있었다. 『세종실록』 지리지에 인용된 『周官六翼』의 기록에는 당시 개편에서 개성부 所管으로 12개 군현을 편성한 것으로 기록되어 있다. 이를 바탕으로 『세종실록』 지리지에서는 “直隸開城府”로 표현하였고, 『고려사』 지리지에서는 “文宗十六年 來屬”으로 정리하면서 이를 기준으로 영속관계를 편성하였다. 문종 16년 개편의 실질적인 내용은 개성현령을 지개성부사로 승격시키고 우봉군을 이속한 것이었다. 이것은 문종 때 貞州의 長源亭 창건과 德水縣의 興王寺 창건 등으로 개성현 관할 지역의 공역 부담이 커지면서 외관 원료를 늘리는 한편 영역을 보충하기 위한 것이었다.

설익은 강의 - 나 어떡해

윤경진 한국역사연구회 1993 한국역사연구회회보 Vol.- No.16

고려 문종 21년 南京 설치에 대한 재검토 - 공양왕 2년 한양 천도의 합리화 -

윤경진 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2010 한국문화 Vol.49 No.-

In 『Go’ryeo-sa』’s Geography section, there is a record of the Namgyeong capital's being established in the 21st year of King Munjong's reign, yet such record is nowhere to be found in the 『Annals of King Sejong's reign』’s own Geography section, or anywhere else for that matter. So it seems that Namgyeong was really constructed during King Sukjong’s reign, and the record of Namgyeong of the Munjong's reign seems to have been actually referring to the Namgyeong establishment which really happened in the 21st year of King Gojong's reign. And it seems such fabrication of records was to justify the capital transfer to the Hanyang city, which took place in the 2nd year of King Gongyang’s reign. This capital transfer during King Gongyang's reign was led by the party of reformists who were also responsible for the reforms of the Gwajeonbeob(科田法) land system. And it was a revival of the capital transfer attempt made during King Wu(禑王)’s reign. Yet those reformists had already defined King Wu's reign as a dismal failure and an example of misgovernance, so they argued that the transfer of King Gongyang was entirely different from such earlier attempt. They had to argue that King Gongyang’s transfer was made in the spirit and tradition of King Munjong’s old and sound governance(文宗舊制), and they subsequently fabricated records by saying the new palace construction which took place in the 21st year of King Gojong’s reign actually happened in the 21st year of King Munjong’s reign. Meanwhile, they also accepted the theory of ‘Jwaso Namgyeong(左蘇京)’ as a theoretical foundation for their argument, and set themselves apart from the theory of ‘Samgyeong[Three capitals]] Circulation of the king(三京巡御)’ of King Wu’s era. Such theory was also borrowed from the past, 21st year of King Gojong’s reign to be exact. In 『Go’ryeo-sa』’s Geography section, there is a record of the Namgyeong capital's being established in the 21st year of King Munjong's reign, yet such record is nowhere to be found in the 『Annals of King Sejong's reign』’s own Geography section, or anywhere else for that matter. So it seems that Namgyeong was really constructed during King Sukjong’s reign, and the record of Namgyeong of the Munjong's reign seems to have been actually referring to the Namgyeong establishment which really happened in the 21st year of King Gojong's reign. And it seems such fabrication of records was to justify the capital transfer to the Hanyang city, which took place in the 2nd year of King Gongyang’s reign. This capital transfer during King Gongyang's reign was led by the party of reformists who were also responsible for the reforms of the Gwajeonbeob(科田法) land system. And it was a revival of the capital transfer attempt made during King Wu(禑王)’s reign. Yet those reformists had already defined King Wu's reign as a dismal failure and an example of misgovernance, so they argued that the transfer of King Gongyang was entirely different from such earlier attempt. They had to argue that King Gongyang’s transfer was made in the spirit and tradition of King Munjong’s old and sound governance(文宗舊制), and they subsequently fabricated records by saying the new palace construction which took place in the 21st year of King Gojong’s reign actually happened in the 21st year of King Munjong’s reign. Meanwhile, they also accepted the theory of ‘Jwaso Namgyeong(左蘇京)’ as a theoretical foundation for their argument, and set themselves apart from the theory of ‘Samgyeong[Three capitals]] Circulation of the king(三京巡御)’ of King Wu’s era. Such theory was also borrowed from the past, 21st year of King Gojong’s reign to be exact.

고려전기 界首官의 설정원리와 구성 변화 -『고려사』지리지 계수관 연혁의 補正을 겸하여-

윤경진 진단학회 2003 진단학보 Vol.- No.96

고문서 자료를 통해 본 고려의 지방행정체계

윤경진 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2000 한국문화 Vol.25 No.-

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산책을 활용한 유아 안전교육 활동이 안전문제해결 사고능력과 자연친화적 태도에 미치는 영향

윤경진,서현 한국어린이미디어학회 2020 한국어린이미디어학회 학술대회 자료집 Vol.2020 No.11

본 연구는 산책을 활용한 유아 안전교육 활동이 안전문제해결 사고능력과 자연친화적 태도에 미치는 영향을 알아보기 위해 실시하였다. 연구 대상은 만 5세 유아 44명(실험집단 22, 비교집단 22)이다. 연구 도구는 유아의 안전문제해결 사고능력을 측정하기 위해 Scott(1992)의 PIC 내용을 곽은복(2000)이 수정하고 고정완(2016)이 수정·보완한 것을 사용하였으며, 자연친화적 태도는 Musser와 Diamond(1999)가 제작한 CATES-PV를 허윤정(2001)이 번안하고 소경희(2007)이 보완한 도구를 사용하였다. 수집된 자료는 공변량분석(ANCOVA)으로 검증하였다. 연구 결과 첫째, 유아의 안전교육 활동은 안전문제해결 사고능력 전체와 유아의 안전하게 놀이하기, 교통 안전규칙 지키기, 유아의 비상시 적절하게 대처하기에 효과가 있으며 집단간 통계적으로 유의한 차이가 있는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 유아의 안전교육 활동은 유아의 자연친화적 태도 전체와 유아의 동물·식물 관심과 애호, 유아의 생명에 대한 존중의식, 인공적인 환경보다 자연환경 선호, 유아의 자연보호 태도에 효과가 있으며 집단간 통계적으로 유의한 차이가 있는 것으로 나타났다. 따라서 유아기 안전교육은 단순한 지식전달 방법보다 바깥놀이 시간에 안전교육을 실시하여 명확한 안전지식과 안전문제 해결 사고능력, 자연친화적 태도가 발달할 수 있도록 다양한 교수 방법으로 진행되어야 함을 시사한다.

朝鮮初期 郡縣體制의 개편과 運營體系의 변화

尹京鎭 서울대학교 인문대학 국사학과 1991 韓國史論 Vol.25 No.-