유형원 철학에서 실리(實理)의 적용 방식

서영이 범한철학회 2008 汎韓哲學 Vol.49 No.2

The main purpose of this paper is to show that although Yu, Hyong Won's theory of substantial reason succeeded to the system and ultimate goal of Cheng-Zhu's theory of Li and Gi, it was different from Cheng-Zhu's in practical ways. Previous researchers have defined the thought of Yu Hyong Won as either a ‘Li-orientated thought’ in terms of affirming Cheng-Zhu study or a ‘GI-orientated thought’ in terms of denying one. Even though their opposing views, they all agree with this suggestion that Yu Hyong Won goes beyond Cheng-Zhu study by emphasizing the available practical and positive knowledges. However, I suggest that Yu Hyong Won's theory of substantial reason succeed to the philosophical system of Cheng-Zhu study in view of the fact that Yu Hyong Won emphasizes ‘the originality of LI’ and still pursues ‘the realization of moral ideal.’ Yu Hyoung Won suggests the direct and practical way which includes ‘morality,’ applying substantial reason to the law and institution while Cheng-Zhu views Li as ‘the ground of morality’ and tries to achieve the ultimate goal according to Li. Thus, Cheng-Zhu's idea of Li is changed and applied as a concrete social principle in Yu Hyong Won's view. Yu Hyong Won intends to make a state comfortable and tries to realize the moral ideal through realization of it's law and institutions based on tao. Yu, Hyong Won's philosophy makes sense for the following reason by applying the theory of substantial reason[實理] to an institution.: first, it shows that Cheng-Zhu's idea of Li has the possibility of being available in many levels. second, it suggests a new way to solve various practical problems by applying Li to the social levels. 본 논문의 주된 목적은 유형원의 실리론이 정주 이기론의 체계와 궁극적 목적을 계승하며, 단지 그 실현 방법만을 달리했다는 점을 드러내는 것이다. 기존의 연구는 유형원의 철학을 두고 정주학을 긍정하는 차원에서 ‘리 중심적 사유’로 규정하거나, 정주학을 회의하는 차원에서 ‘기 중심적 사유’로 규정한다. 이렇듯 상반된 견해 차이에도 불구하고 이들은 모두 유형원이 현실 적용 가능한 실제적ㆍ실증적 지식을 강조함으로써 ‘정주학을 극복’하고 있다고 주장한다. 그러나 필자는 유형원의 실리론이 ‘리의 본원성’을 강조한다는 점에서, 그리고 ‘도덕 이상의 실현’을 여전히 지향한다는 점에서 ‘회의’와 ‘극복’이 아닌, 정주의 철학 체계를 그대로 계승한다고 본다. 다만 실리를 ‘법ㆍ제도’에 적용함으로써 ‘규범성’을 갖춘 실질적ㆍ직접적인 실현 방법을 제시했을 뿐이다. 이는 정주가 리를 ‘도덕적 근거’로 제시하고 ‘권유’를 통해 그 궁극의 목적을 이루려 했던 것과 다른 점이다. 이처럼 정주의 리는 유형원에 와서 구체적 사회 원리로 전환, 응용된다. 유형원은 도(道)를 담은 ‘법ㆍ제도의 실현’으로 국가의 안정을 이루고, 이를 기반으로 ‘도덕 이상’을 실현시키려 했다. 유형원 실리의 제도적 전개는 첫째 정주의 ‘리’가 여러 차원으로 응용될 수 있는 가능성을 확인해준다는 점에서, 둘째 ‘리’를 사회적 차원으로 전환시켜 응용함으로써 다차원적인 현실 문제를 극복할 수 있는 새로운 방향을 제시한다는 점에서 그 의미를 갖는다.

반계 유형원의 奴婢論

송양섭 (사)한국인물사연구회 2013 한국인물사연구 Vol.19 No.-

Yu Hyong-won(柳馨遠) argued for consistent application of matrilineal system(the “Jongmobeop[從母法]”) so that the Nobi(奴婢:enregistered slaves) status should not be inherited. He also proposed the abolition of Gongnobiseonsangje(公奴婢選上制) and adoption of Goripje(雇立制); accordingly he argued for the Gogongje(雇工制) on privately owned Nobi. His argument for the abolition of Nobi system and for the transition to Gogongje was not a general dispute against the status system though. His goal was in effectively meeting the labor force demand of Yangban(兩班) after the Gongjeonje(公田制). The Gogong(雇工) inspired by Yu, the hired laborers, is like a self-securing insurance policy of impoverished peasant between Yangin(良人:common people) and Nobi; it is different from modern waged employees in that it is rather temporarily enslaved for complementing household labor force.

반계 유형원의 奴婢論

송양섭(Song, Yang-seop) 한국인물사연구회 2013 한국인물사연구 Vol.19 No.-

Yu Hyong-won(柳馨遠) argued for consistent application of matrilineal system(the “Jongmobeop[從母法]”) so that the Nobi(奴婢:enregistered slaves) status should not be inherited. He also proposed the abolition of Gongnobiseonsangje(公奴婢選上制) and adoption of Goripje(雇立制); accordingly he argued for the Gogongje(雇工制) on privately owned Nobi. His argument for the abolition of Nobi system and for the transition to Gogongje was not a general dispute against the status system though. His goal was in effectively meeting the labor force demand of Yangban(兩班) after the Gongjeonje(公田制). The Gogong(雇工) inspired by Yu, the hired laborers, is like a self-securing insurance policy of impoverished peasant between Yangin(良人:common people) and Nobi; it is different from modern waged employees in that it is rather temporarily enslaved for complementing household labor force.

조선후기 실학의 변증법적 전환

서영이 동방문화대학원대학교 동양학연구소 2022 동방문화와 사상 Vol.12 No.-

This paper presents an attempt at rethinking Confucianism of Korea “here and now” by analyzing Silhak in late Joseon as it shows a dynamic self-transformation within the bigger framework of Confucianism. The dialectical transition of Silhak in late Joseon contains a process of its renewal from “Confucianism of transcendence” to “Confucianism of real world.” This study demonstrates that Silhak in late Joseon moved in a direction of emphasizing ①reality of Confucianism, ②open, experiential, and scientific inquiries, ③context-dependent values, and ④priority of “actions” over moral values. This means that the theoretical flow of Silhak made a transition from “transcendent and conceptual inquiries of Neo-Confucianism to realistic and experiential inquiries.” This is why Silhak is an important discourse that cannot be left out in the history of Confucianism in Korea and in the rethinking of Confucianism of “here and now.” Bangye Yu Hyong-won(1622~1673), who is considered as the “progenitor of Silhak,” proposed paths applicable at the level of reality by reinterpreting the Li of Jeongju in the social principles of laws and institutions. Seongho Yi Yik(1681~1763), who is called the “middle ancestor of Silhak,” was active to open Silhak to other areas of study including the studies of Laozu and Zhuangzi, Buddhism, and Western learning, introduced scientific methods of study, and maintained empirical rationality. His viewpoint of a state implies “context- dependent” values grounded in situations. Dasan Jeong Yak-yong (1762~1836), who is the “compiler of Silhak,” provided a beginning for scientific inquiries by putting an emphasis on the priority of moral “actions” and proposing a method of experiential perception. Hyegang Choi Han-ki (1803~ 1879), who served as a “bridge between Silhak and Enlightenment Ideology,” actively included natural science inquiries such as heliocentricism, Newton's physics, and the mechanistic viewpoint of the human body in his Gi-hak. These findings show that Silhak made a dialectical transition by reorganizing the spirit of self-cultivation and governing people of advanced Confucianism anew according to the changes of the times. Even though Silhak failed to cast off its skin rooted in the dimension of transcendence, its theorization of experiential and scientific knowledge that the Silhak scholars sought after embraced a variety of perspectives critically, which clears shows the philosophical evolution of Silhak. This inquiry shows why one cannot skip to arrive at Confucianism of “here and now” and why it is important to pay attention to Silhak 이 연구는 유학의 큰 프레임에서 역동적인 자기 변환의 모습을 담고 있는 조선후기 실학을 분석함으로써 ‘지금, 여기’의 한국유학을 재고하려는 시도다. 조선후기 실학의 변증법적 전환은 ‘초월(超越)의 유학’에서 ‘지상(地上)의 유학’으로 거듭나는 과정을 포함하고 있다. 우리는 이 연구에서 조선후기의 실학이 ①유학의 실제성 ②개방적ㆍ경험적ㆍ과학적 탐구 ③맥락 의존적 가치관 ④도덕적 가치에 대한 ‘행위’의 우선성을 강조하는 방향으로 나아가고 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 이는 실학의 이론적 흐름이 성리학의 ‘초월적ㆍ관념적 탐구에서 현실적ㆍ경험적 탐구로’ 전환되어 가고 있음을 의미한다. 이것이 바로 실학이 한국유학사에서, 그리고 ‘지금, 여기’의 유학을 재고하는 데 빠뜨릴 수 없는 중요 담론인 까닭이다. ‘실학의 비조’로 평가되는 반계 유형원(柳馨遠, 1622~1673)은 정주(程朱)의 리(理)를 법ㆍ제도의 사회 원리로 재해석함으로써 현실의 차원에서 적용될 수 길을 제시했다. ‘실학의 중조’로 불리는 성호 이익(李瀷, 1681~1763)은 노ㆍ장, 불교, 서학 등 여타 학문에 대한 적극적 개방과 함께 과학적 학문 방법을 도입, 실증적 합리성을 견지했다. 또한 그의 국가관에는 형세[勢]에 근거를 둔 ‘맥락 의존적’ 가치관이 함축되어 있다. ‘실학의 집대성자’인 다산 정약용(丁若鏞, 1762~1836)은 도덕 ‘행위’의 우선성을 강조하고, 경험적 인식 방법을 제안함으로써 과학적 탐구의 단초를 제공했다. ‘실학과 개화사상의 가교자’ 혜강 최한기(崔漢綺, 1803~1879)는 태양중심설을 비롯하여 뉴턴의 물리학, 기계론적 신체관 등의 자연과학적 탐구를 자신의 기학(氣學)에 적극적으로 포함시켰다. 이렇듯 조선후기 실학은 선진유학의 수기치인(修己治人)의 정신을 시대의 변화에 맞게 새롭게 재조직함으로써 변증법적 전환을 이루었다. 비록 실학이 초월의 영역에서 완전히 탈피하지는 못했지만, 그들이 추구했던 경험과학적 지식의 이론화는 다양한 관점을 비판적으로 포용하고 있다는 점에서 철학적 진화임에 분명하다. 이러한 탐구는 실학을 건너뛰고 ‘지금, 여기’의 유학으로 올 수 없음을, 그리고 왜 실학에 주목해야 하는지를 보여준다.

18세기 洛論系의 <磻溪隨錄> 인식과 洪啓禧 經世學의 思想的 基盤

조성산 조선시대사학회 2004 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.30 No.-

정약용의 전제개혁론의 역사적 맥락

이정철 고려사학회 2012 한국사학보 Vol.- No.47

The nine-square field system(井田制), which was the Chong Yak-yong's land reform theory, has been much studied in various aspects. However, it seems that the theme need to be still reexamined in two respects. One is what is the exact meaning of nine-square field system, which he urged to enforce. Why this question is raised is that Chong Yak-yong showed 2 kinds of land reform theories in his life. The other is which meaning his land reform theory has in the genealogy of land reform theories in the late Joseon period. Was his theory successive or not successive from the traditional land reform theories. Chong Yak-yong seems to have the same statecraft goals with his previous reformers. The goals is how they could secure national budget, and soldiers, and how they could stabilize the livelihoods of the public. Even though they had the same goals, however they came to get the answers. It is because their times were different, and there were big changes for the period in Joseon society. Chong Yak-yong's land reform theory was the nine-square field system as much as his times allowed. Chong Yak-yong's reform theory was not disconnected from the reform tradition of Joseon period.