러시아 군주정의 구원투수- 러시아 민족동맹의 형성과 전략을 중심으로

박원용 동북아시아문화학회 2009 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.19

This paper deals with one of the strongest and most influential rightist parties at the time of crisis of the Russian autocracy- the Union of the Russian People. Through the study I attempt to shed new light on the Union of the Russian People not as the organization just stick to small strata of privileged estates, but as the organization to gain wider support from large segments of Russian population. By way of establishing itself as the political party with broad social support, the Union could provide the Russian autocracy with a breathing space for extending its life span. The impetus for organizing the Union of the Russian People was originated from the three documents announced on the February 18, 1905. The Russian rightists especially paid attention to the decree, which emotionally appealed for gathering loyal forces to the autocracy around the throne. A. I. Dubrovin, the founder of the Union, thought that it was the right time for the Russian rightists to participate in the political arena actively and finally succeeded in launching the political organization with including broad social strata. On the process of pursuing its goal, the Union of the Russian People had a keen sense in appreciating the political reality at the time. Though the Union did not endorse the idea of sharing the autocratic power with a representative institution like Duma, it realized that the strategy of destroying the Duma at the present time was impossible. The only solution was that by promoting a large number of rightist forces to the Duma the Union sought to transform it into an amicable institution to the autocracy. The Union to a certain extent had succeeded in implementing its desire in the political field through the achievement of the change of electorial procedure to the Duma. The Union also had the strategy to appeal to the Russian people through the idea of “empire for the Russian people.” The ideology of an empire only for the Russian made it possible for the Union to recognize the extreme measure of terror against non-Russian people like Jews. In the long run, the strategies of the Union had an initial success for the duration of the Russian autocracy, but the forces of the Russian rightists was not enough to hold back the challenge of the socialist parties. This paper deals with one of the strongest and most influential rightist parties at the time of crisis of the Russian autocracy- the Union of the Russian People. Through the study I attempt to shed new light on the Union of the Russian People not as the organization just stick to small strata of privileged estates, but as the organization to gain wider support from large segments of Russian population. By way of establishing itself as the political party with broad social support, the Union could provide the Russian autocracy with a breathing space for extending its life span. The impetus for organizing the Union of the Russian People was originated from the three documents announced on the February 18, 1905. The Russian rightists especially paid attention to the decree, which emotionally appealed for gathering loyal forces to the autocracy around the throne. A. I. Dubrovin, the founder of the Union, thought that it was the right time for the Russian rightists to participate in the political arena actively and finally succeeded in launching the political organization with including broad social strata. On the process of pursuing its goal, the Union of the Russian People had a keen sense in appreciating the political reality at the time. Though the Union did not endorse the idea of sharing the autocratic power with a representative institution like Duma, it realized that the strategy of destroying the Duma at the present time was impossible. The only solution was that by promoting a large number of rightist forces to the Duma the Union sought to transform it into an amicable institution to the autocracy. The Union to a certain extent had succeeded in implementing its desire in the political field through the achievement of the change of electorial procedure to the Duma. The Union also had the strategy to appeal to the Russian people through the idea of “empire for the Russian people.” The ideology of an empire only for the Russian made it possible for the Union to recognize the extreme measure of terror against non-Russian people like Jews. In the long run, the strategies of the Union had an initial success for the duration of the Russian autocracy, but the forces of the Russian rightists was not enough to hold back the challenge of the socialist parties.

러시아 전제정의 반격-베일리스 사건의 상징성을 중심으로

박원용 동북아시아문화학회 2010 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.23

This paper attempts to disclose the implications of Beilis's case, a trial happened at the period of increasing opposition to the authority of the Russian autocracy. Rather than focusing on racial conflicts and religious rituals inherent in the case, I'm trying to put it in the context of the maneuver of Russian conservative forces, who thought that they could extend the lives of the autocracy by exploiting the implied meaning of the case. If Beilis was found guilty, the conservative forces thought that they could extend the prosecution against the Jews, who from their viewpoints were involved in various kinds of revolutionary movements. Beilis's case with passing of the time was not a simple murder case only attentive to the small group of people in the region. It might be the case contributing to strengthening power of the autocracy. In order to bring back the stability of the Russian tsardom, the conservative forces did not hesitate to ignore righteous legal procedures such as selecting qualified juries and guaranteeing the rights of the defendant. They could carry out such unlawful acts with the collaboration of high officials and Nicolas II's tacit approval. In spite of the efforts from supporters to the autocracy, Beilis after all was released from the prison. The royal forces were greatly disappointed with the final verdict. But it could not be interpreted as their total defeat. The argument that the religious rituals of Jews were the principal reason to the death of innocent Russian youth was accepted. After all the Jews were turned out to be harmful elements to the stability of the Russian society and lives of Russian people. It was difficult for the Russian autocracy to disregard the hatred against the Jews advocated by the right political forces such as the Union of Russian People and Black Hundreds, because they were the active supporters for the declining regime. They attempted to find chances of fight back to the opposing groups by expanding the implicit meaning of Beilis's case. However, the Russian autocracy could not have enough time to exploit the potential of Beilis's case for the defense of the regime as it slided into the First World War.

러시아 군주정의 구원투수- 러시아 민족동맹의 형성과 전략을 중심으로

박원용(Park Won-Yong) 동북아시아문화학회 2009 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.20

대중들의 눈에 비친 북한 지역의 해방 - 자서전과 이력서를 중심으로 -

김재웅 한국민족운동사학회 2019 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.98

Liberation of North Korean Region Seen in the Eyes of the Masses - Focusing on Autobiographies and Personal Histories - Kim, Jae-woong August 15, 1945, Liberation Day has been celebrated as the most important national holiday in Korea. Koreans used the term “liberation” to celebrate the day when they were free from suppression of Japanese colonial rule over 36 years. The liberated Koreans fell in joy. However not all Koreans showed the same reactions. Some cheered, some were discouraged, others were caught in chaos. Now 70 years from the liberation, various reactions of contemporaries are gradually disappearing in our memories. This study is interested in vividly reproducing the scenes of liberation with their voices. Obviously they witnessed the historical event “liberation” and were excited for a while, but soon regained coolness and prepared for a new leap. This study aims to vividly reproduce phases of the era and society shortly after liberation, which was a transitional period to prepare construction of a new state, through the perspective of the general public. 대중들의 눈에 비친 북한 지역의 해방- 자서전과 이력서를 중심으로 - 김재웅 1945년 8월 15일, 광복절은 현재 한국에서 가장 비중 있는 국경일로 기념되고 있다. 당시 모두가 “해방”이란 용어를 사용하며 자축한 이 날은 일제가 패망하고 조선인들이 36년간에 걸친 식민 통치의 굴레에서 벗어난 날이었다. 해방을 맞은 조선인들은 기쁨과 환희에 도취되었다. 그러나 모든 조선인들이 그와 동일한 반응을 보인 것은 아니었다. 어떤 이들은 환호했고, 어떤 이들은 낙담했으며, 어떤 이들은 혼돈에 사로잡히기도 했다. 그 날로부터 70여 년이 흐른 현재, 당대인들이 보인 다양한 반응들은 우리의 기억 속에서 점차 사라지고 있다. 이 연구는 다시 그들의 목소리를 되살림으로써 해방 당시의 광경을 생생히 재현하는데 관심을 두고 있다. 분명 그들은 해방이란 역사적 사건을 목격하며 한 동안 갈피를 잡지 못한 채 들떠 있었지만, 곧 냉정을 되찾고 새로운 도약을 준비하였다. 이 연구는 새 국가 건설을 준비하는 과도기이자 충전기였던 해방 직후의 시대상과 사회상을 일반 대중들의 시각에서 생생히 재현하고자 한다.