Social Background of a Visionary Rebellion and the Image of an Ideal Society : A Review of the Yi Ch´unggyŏng Incident during the 7th year of King Injo (1629)

김우철 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2010 International Journal of Korean History Vol.15 No.1

Yi Ch’unggyŏng’s Rebellion of 1629 (7th year of King Injo), was an incident that saw people displaced by the First Manchu Invasion of 1627 (Chŏngmyo horan) attempt to overthrow the existing government. The majority of the participants in this attempted uprising were from the lower classes. As the group involved only a score of people, and they were all arrested before their plot could be actualized, it did not garner any attention at the national level. It was even evaluated as a ‘silly game involving some overgrown children.’ However, leaving aside the success or failure of the incident, much can be gained from delving into the participants’ social background, how they got to the point where they raised a resistance, and their wishes for an ideal society. This incident was hatched in the provinces of P’yŏngan and Hwanghae, both of which had suffered greatly as a result of the First Manchu Invasion of 1627. Most of those who followed Yi had lost their families and found themselves displaced by the war. These individuals perceived the proposed coup as a means to secure a livelihood. On the other hand, they also harbored a strong sense of hostility toward Later Chin. The growing emphasis on the worship of Ch’oe Yŏng and Nam Yi, two generals who had opposed the Chosŏn dynasty, signified that Yi’s group had been transformed from a band of thieves into one that plotted rebellion. However, despite this change in character, every member of the group’s support for Yi remained unwavering. The group’s ringleader Yi Ch’unggyŏng gave form to the ideal society that he envisioned in a document called the <Kaeguk taejŏn>. The ideal society was one in which public equality was to be achieved by reigning in abuses in the military service and tax structures and removing privileges. It was a society in which the state’s illegal exploitation of the people was to be brought to a halt. Their pure wishes for an end to the conflicts that pervaded Chosŏn dynasty were ignored by the powers that be, and their uprising was evaluated as a ‘useless farce initiated by a few woodsmen’ or as a ‘silly game involving some overgrown children.’ As such, the inherent conflicts at the center of this incident were not resolved and a tinderbox that could be lit at another time was left behind to fester.

1899년 평양개시 이후 평양성 외성 공간의 재편 과정

박준형 ( Park Jun-hyung ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2015 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.39

본 논문은 1899년 평양개시 이후 평양성 일대, 특히 평양성 내 외성 공간의 재편 과정을 추적한 것이다. 평양개시는 외국인의 거주 자체가 금지되었던 ‘내지’를 외국인의 거주 및 무역이 가능한 ‘개시장’으로 개방하는 것을 의미했기 때문에, 개시와 함께 개시구역을 어디에 어느 범위로 설정할 것인가라는 공간 분할의 과제를 남겼다. 한국정부는 평양성 주변 5리까지를 모두 궁내부 기지로 설정함으로써 그 경계 밖에 개시구역이 설정되도록 유도했으나, 일본을 비롯한 각국대표는 평양성 내 개시구역 설정안을 가지고 그에 맞섰다. 결국 양측이 오래도록 합의를 보지 못하고 있는 상황 속에서 각국대표는 일방적으로 평양성 전체를 개시장으로 간주한다는 선언을 하기에 이른다. 그러나 이후에도 평양성의 내성이나 중성에 비해 상대적으로 전토의 비율이 높고 광대한 폭원을 자랑하던 외성 공간을 둘러싸고, 상이한 공간 재편의 기획들이 시도되고 또 서로 충돌하였다. 대한제국은 “箕聖 천년의 고도”인 평양에 西京을 설치하고 외성 내에 대한제국 황실의 행궁인 풍경궁을 건설하였다. 다른 한편 일본은 외성 한 가운데를 가로지르는 경의철도를 부설하고 나아가 외성 일대 전체를 군용지로 수용하여 영구병영을 건설하였다. 양자는 각기 대한제국의 ‘중흥’과 일본의 ‘대륙 진출’이라는 서로 다른 목표에 기반하고 있었는데, 후자가 내세운 ‘군용’의 논리는 전자의 공간 기획을 무력화하면서 외성 공간 전체를 식민지적 공간으로 재편해 갔다. This article examines the process of spatial organization within the outer-walls of P’yǒngyang City. The opening of the city was intended to open up the ‘interior’ where foreigners were not allowed to reside as an ‘open city,’ which introduced the problem of space division as to what extent foreigners should be allowed to reside. The Korean Government was induced to establish an area of ‘open city’ outside the boundary of the Imperial Household Ministry’s lands, which was drawn at a distance of two kilometers around P’yǒngyang, but the foreign diplomatic representatives in Korea countered with a plan to set up the area within P’yǒngyang. After a stalemate between the two sides and their respective plans, the foreign diplomatic representatives unilaterally declared that the whole city of P’yǒngyang would be regarded as an ‘open city.’ However, two different plans of spatial organization for the outer-walls of P’yǒngyang were respectively made by Korean and subsequently by Japan. The Korean Government designated P’yǒngyang as the western capital and built an Imperial Palace named ‘P’unggyǒnggung’ within the outer-walls, whereas the Japanese Army laid the Seoul-Ǔiju Railway across the middle of the outer-walls, and promoted the construction of permanent barracks by requisitioning the whole lands of the outer-walls for the military. The former’s goal was the restoration of the Korean Empire, whereas the latter’s was the expansion of the Japanese Empire. Eventually, the space of the outer-walls was destructively reorganized for the Japanese military, which emasculated the plan for the Korean Empire.

1945년 8월 소련 해군 태평양함대의 웅기·나진상륙작전 연구

박희성(Park, Hui-seong) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2021 군사 Vol.- No.121

This article looked at the Unggi and Rajin Amphibious operations of the Soviet Navy"s Pacific Fleet in August 1945. As the Allied Forces won World War II, Korea was liberated. The Soviet Army declared war on Japan on August 8, 1945 and participated in the second world war. The Soviet ground forces attacked Manchuria and defeated the Japanese Kwandong Army. And as a subsequent operation, they advanced to the northern part of the Korean Peninsula. The Pacific Fleet occupied ports in the North Korean region, with the aim of preventing the retreat and reinforcement of Japanese Kwandong forces. Air units belonging to the Pacific Fleet bombed the Japanese naval bases in Unggi, Rajin and Chongjin on August 9 and 10, 1945. The Pacific Fleet attacked Unggi on August 11, 1945. Operation Unggi was carried out by the Fleet Command"s reconnaissance units and marines. And on the 12th, the landing force occupied Unggi Port and Unggi City without much resistance. The operation to Rajin began on August 12. Also, the Fleet Command"s reconnaissance unit and marines were in charge of the operation. The reconnaissance unit occupied Rajin Port first and secured a bridgehead, and the main landing unit completed the landing on the morning of the 13th. Subsequently, while occupying Ungisi and the outlying hills, they attacked the Japanese forces and cleared out the Japanese forces in Daechodo and Sochodo.

함경선 부설과 길회선 종단항 결정이 지역경제에 끼친 영향-나진・웅기・청진을 중심으로-

송규진 고려사학회 2014 한국사학보 Vol.- No.57

Railways, while an important symbol of modern civilization, acted as a double-edged sword for Joseon during Japanese colonization, as they were used as a tool allowing for the exploitation of shipbuilding resources. The Japanese governor-general of Korea sought to resolve food and fuel crises through the industrial development of Hamgyeong province, especially by extracting coal, exploiting the forest, and exporting seafood. The construction of the Hamgyeong Line greatly influenced the regional development of Hamgyeong province. In particular, it promoted exchange between Joseon, inland Manchuria, and Siberia when it was connected to the Gilhoe Line, which was completed afterward. Najin, Unggi, and Cheongjin each contended to be the last stop on the Gilhoe Line, and Najin was eventually selected as the last port. Although the Japanese governor-general had unofficially decided on Cheongjin as the last port, following lobbying from Cheongjin regional officials, Najin, a place the South Manchuria Railway Co. and Kwantung Army had already envisioned as a military fortress, was ultimately selected as the last port, demonstrating the limitations of an externally supplanted authority. With Najin selected as the last port, the economies of Najin, Unggi, and Cheongjin experienced significant changes. Najin evolved into a transfer port, with urban planning unfolding smoothly. Cheongjin, although it failed to host the line construction, also continued regional development by demanding and obtaining other opportunities from the Japanese governor-general. However, Unggi stagnated, despite its hope to develop along with Najin. This shows how the railways acted as a double-edged sword for local economies. 철도는 일제강점기 조선에서 양날의 칼로 작용하여 근대문명을 향유할 수 있는 기회를 제공하면서도 조선자원 수탈을 위한 도구로 활용되었다. 총독부는 함경도 지방의 산업개발, 그 가운데 특히 석탄과 삼림을 개발하고 해산물을 반출함으로써 연료난과 식량난을 해결하고자 했다. 함경선 부설은 함경도지역 개발에도 큰 영향을 미쳤다. 특히 함경선은 이후 완공한 吉會線과 연결하여 조선과 만주내륙 및 시베리아 간의 교류를 촉진할 수 있었다. 이 과정에서 길회선 종단항을 유치하기 위해 나진·웅기·청진이 경합을 벌였으며 결국 일제는 종단항을 나진으로 결정했다. 청진의 유지들이 총력적인 로비로 총독부가 초기에는 청진의 유지들이 총력적인 로비로 청진을 종단항으로 암묵적으로 결정했음에도 결국 남만주철도주식회사와 관동군이 처음부터 군사요새지로 구상했던 나진으로 종단항이 결정된 것은 외삽적 권력의 한계를 보여주는 것이다. 나진으로 종단항이 결정되면서 나진·웅기·청진 경제는 커다란 변화를 겪게 되었다. 나진은 시가지 계획이 순조롭게 진행되며 종단항에 걸맞은 탄토항으로 크게 발전했다. 청진도 종단항 경쟁에서는 패배했지만 생존을 위해 총독부에 또 다른 기회를 요구하고 그것을 받아냄으로써 계속 지역발전을 이룰 수 있었다. 그러나 웅기는 나진과 경계를 이루어 동반 발전할 것으로 기대했으나 정체적인 상태에 머물렀다. 이것이 철도가 지역사회에서 양날의 칼로 작용한 것을 보여주는 또 하나의 경우라고 생각한다.

함경선 부설과 길회선 종단항 결정이 지역경제에 끼친 영향

송규진(Song Kue-jin) 고려사학회 2014 한국사학보 Vol.- No.57

철도는 일제강점기 조선에서 양날의 칼로 작용하여 근대문명을 향유할 수 있는 기회를 제공하면서도 조선자원 수탈을 위한 도구로 활용되었다. 총독부는 함경도 지방의 산업개발, 그 가운데 특히 석탄과 삼림을 개발하고 해산물을 반출함으로써 연료난과 식량난을 해결하고자 했다. 함경선 부설은 함경도지역 개발에도 큰 영향을 미쳤다. 특히 함경선은 이후 완공한 吉會線과 연결하여 조선과 만주내륙 및 시베리아 간의 교류를 촉진할 수 있었다. 이 과정에서 길회선 종단항을 유치하기 위해 나진·웅기·청진이 경합을 벌였으며 결국 일제는 종단항을 나진으로 결정했다. 청진의 유지들이 총력적인 로비로 총독부가 초기에는 청진의 유지들이 총력적인 로비로 청진을 종단항으로 암묵적으로 결정했음에도 결국 남만주철도주식회사와 관동군이 처음부터 군사요새지로 구상했던 나진으로 종단항이 결정된 것은 외삽적 권력의 한계를 보여주는 것이다. 나진으로 종단항이 결정되면서 나진·웅기·청진 경제는 커다란 변화를 겪게 되었다. 나진은 시가지 계획이 순조롭게 진행되며 종단항에 걸맞은 탄토항으로 크게 발전했다. 청진도 종단항 경쟁에서는 패배했지만 생존을 위해 총독부에 또 다른 기회를 요구하고 그것을 받아냄으로써 계속 지역발전을 이룰 수 있었다. 그러나 웅기는 나진과 경계를 이루어 동반 발전할 것으로 기대했으나 정체적인 상태에 머물렀다. 이것이 철도가 지역사회에서 양날의 칼로 작용한 것을 보여주는 또 하나의 경우라고 생각한다. Railways, while an important symbol of modern civilization, acted as a double-edged sword for Joseon during Japanese colonization, as they were used as a tool allowing for the exploitation of shipbuilding resources. The Japanese governor-general of Korea sought to resolve food and fuel crises through the industrial development of Hamgyeong province, especially by extracting coal, exploiting the forest, and exporting seafood. The construction of the Hamgyeong Line greatly influenced the regional development of Hamgyeong province. In particular, it promoted exchange between Joseon, inland Manchuria, and Siberia when it was connected to the Gilhoe Line, which was completed afterward. Najin, Unggi, and Cheongjin each contended to be the last stop on the Gilhoe Line, and Najin was eventually selected as the last port. Although the Japanese governor-general had unofficially decided on Cheongjin as the last port, following lobbying from Cheongjin regional officials, Najin, a place the South Manchuria Railway Co. and Kwantung Army had already envisioned as a military fortress, was ultimately selected as the last port, demonstrating the limitations of an externally supplanted authority. With Najin selected as the last port, the economies of Najin, Unggi, and Cheongjin experienced significant changes. Najin evolved into a transfer port, with urban planning unfolding smoothly. Cheongjin, although it failed to host the line construction, also continued regional development by demanding and obtaining other opportunities from the Japanese governor-general. However, Unggi stagnated, despite its hope to develop along with Najin. This shows how the railways acted as a double-edged sword for local economies.

Social Background of a Visionary Rebellion and the Image of an Ideal Society

Kim Woo-cheol(김우철) 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2010 International Journal of Korean History Vol.15 No.1

인조 7년(1629) 이충경의 반역 사건은 정묘호란을 계기로 발생한 유민들을 끌어들여 반역을 꾀하다가 적발되어 실패한 사건이었다. 참여 계층이 주로 하층민에 집중되어 있었고 규모도 수십 명에 불과하였으며 실제로 행동에 옮기기 전에 모두 체포되었으므로 크게 주목되지 못했으며, 따라서 ‘실없는 농담’이나 ‘아이들의 장난’이라고 평가되기도 했다. 그러나 이들이 집단을 이루어 저항에 이르게 된 사회적 배경이나, 이들이 추구하고자 했던 이상 사회에 대한 염원은, 그 성공 여부와 별도로 음미할 가치가 있는 것으로 판단된다. 이 사건은 정묘호란이 발발한 지 2년 뒤에 호란으로 큰 피해를 입었던 평안도ㆍ황해도 지역을 중심으로 발생하였다. 전쟁으로 가족을 잃고 떠돌던 유민들은 생계를 유지하기 위한 방편으로 집단에 가담하지만, 한편으로는 후금에 대한 적대 의식도 가담의 배경으로 작용했다. 최영이나 남이와 같이 조선왕조를 부정하는 상징적 인물이 강조되면서 이 집단은 단순한 생계형 도적 집단이 아닌 반역 집단으로 전화하지만, 가담자들은 동요하지 않고 행동을 함께 하였다. 이 사건의 주모자인 이충경은 「개국대전」이라는 문서를 통해, 자신이 추구하는 이상사회의 모습을 소박한 형태로 구현하였다. 그 사회는 군역이나 조세 부담을 누구나 고르게 지며 특권을 부인하는 평등한 사회였다. 또 국가기구의 민인에 대한 붑법적 침해나 착취를 금지하는 정의로운 사회였다. 조선왕조가 지니고 있었던 모순을 진솔하게 표현한 이러한 바람은 ‘실없는 농담’이나 ‘아이들의 장난’이라고 평가되며 무시되었고, 따라서 모순은 해결되지 않았으며, 결국 또 다른 새로운 저항으로 전화될 수 있는 소지를 남겨 놓았다. Yi Ch’unggy?ng’s Rebellion of 1629 (7<SUP>th</SUP> year of King Injo), was an incident that saw people displaced by the First Manchu Invasion of 1627 (Ch?ngmyo horan) attempt to overthrow the existing government. The majority of the participants in this attempted uprising were from the lower classes. As the group involved only a score of people, and they were all arrested before their plot could be actualized, it did not garner any attention at the national level. It was even evaluated as a ‘silly game involving some overgrown children.’ However, leaving aside the success or failure of the incident, much can be gained from delving into the participants’ social background, how they got to the point where they raised a resistance, and their wishes for an ideal society. This incident was hatched in the provinces of P’y?ngan and Hwanghae, both of which had suffered greatly as a result of the First Manchu Invasion of 1627. Most of those who followed Yi had lost their families and found themselves displaced by the war. These individuals perceived the proposed coup as a means to secure a livelihood. On the other hand, they also harbored a strong sense of hostility toward Later Chin. The growing emphasis on the worship of Ch’oe Y?ng and Nam Yi, two generals who had opposed the Chos?n dynasty, signified that Yi’s group had been transformed from a band of thieves into one that plotted rebellion. However, despite this change in character, every member of the group’s support for Yi remained unwavering. The group’s ringleader Yi Ch’unggy?ng gave form to the ideal society that he envisioned in a document called the 〈Kaeguk taej?n〉. The ideal society was one in which public equality was to be achieved by reigning in abuses in the military service and tax structures and removing privileges. It was a society in which the state’s illegal exploitation of the people was to be brought to a halt. Their pure wishes for an end to the conflicts that pervaded Chos?n dynasty were ignored by the powers that be, and their uprising was evaluated as a ‘useless farce initiated by a few woodsmen’ or as a ‘silly game involving some overgrown children.’ As such, the inherent conflicts at the center of this incident were not resolved and a tinderbox that could be lit at another time was left behind to fester.

豆滿江流域 無文土器의 實相

배진성 영남고고학회 2007 嶺南考古學 Vol.- No.42

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