Normative-Legal and Information Security of Socio-Political Processes in Ukraine: a Comparative Aspect

Goshovska, Valentyna,Danylenko, Lydiia,Chukhrai, Ihor,Chukhrai, Nataliia,Kononenko, Pavlo International Journal of Computer ScienceNetwork S 2022 International journal of computer science and netw Vol.22 No.10

The aim of the article is to investigate socio-political processes in Ukraine on the basis of institutional and behavioral approaches, in particular their regulatory and informational support. Methodology. To determine the nature and content of sociopolitical processes, the following approaches have been used: 1. Institutional approach in order to analyze the development of Ukraine's political institutions. 2. The behavioral approach has been used for the analysis of socio-political processes in Ukraine in the context of political behavior of citizens, their political activity which forms the political culture of the country. Results. The general features of the socio-political situation in Ukraine are as follows: the formed model of government, which can be conditionally described as "presidential"; public demand for new leaders remains at a high level; the society has no common vision of further development; significant tendency of reduction of real incomes of a significant part of the society and strengthening of fiscal pressure on businessmen will get a public response after some time. Increasing levels of voice, accountability, efficiency of governance and the quality of the regulatory environment indicate a slow change in the political system, which will have a positive impact on public sentiment in the future. At the same time, there has been little change in the quality of Ukraine's institutions to ensure political stability, the rule of law and control of corruption. There are no cardinal changes in the development of the institution of property rights, protection of intellectual rights, changes in the sphere of ethics and control of corruption. Thus, Ukraine's political institutions have not been able to bring about any change in the social-political processes. Accordingly, an average level of trust and confidence of citizens in political institutions and negative public sentiment regarding their perception and future change can be traced in Ukraine.

미국 정치사(Political History)의 성장과 의회사(Congressional History)

오영인 고려대학교 역사연구소 2014 사총 Vol.81 No.-

This study is for understanding and introducing congressional history in the development of American political history since the 1980s. Under the milieu of Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, the New Left criticized the liberal consensus view of American history. Within the historical discipline, in addition, a social and cultural history revolution took place that pushed scholars to emphasize the history from the bottom up such as class formation, gender relations, and cultural consciousness. Therefore. political history, which focused on not ordinary people but political elites who represented peoples, was loosing it’s place in the realm of American history. However, during the 1980s, a group of political scientists, sociologists and historians brought historical institutionalism back into the study of politics since they shared the fact that politics was profoundly historical. Bringing together the new institutionalism and sociocultural history, since the 1980s, political history has been reemerging as sociocultural political history for revisiting the study of politics. And it was the time when congressional history emerged in American political history. When most social and cultural historians minimized the study of government institutions, policymakers, and policies, Congress was characterized an insulated haven for white male elites who subverted the democratic process in favor of vested interest groups or as an archaic institution that functioned as a roadblock from mass social movements. However, recently, historians and historical social scientists are interested in learning more about this important branch of government. A renewed interest among historians in the modern Congress has emerged form two ways. The first approach is the new historical institutional analysis emphasizing how and in what relations Congress itself had been reformed. The second approach which congressional history has emerged is the debate over how gender and race influenced policy development particularly the Social Security Policy. Unlike social scientists or political scientists, historians provide a more dynamic history of Congress by integrating a history of social conflict and nonelite groups into the analysis of politics and considering categories such as gender and race as well as factors such as symbols, ideology and rhetoric. Given the distrust of Congress in history, a stronger understanding of how the institution related to the people and its condition seems more important ever. 본 논문은 1980년대 이후 미국 정치사의 성장과정에서 특히 의회사의 등장과 그 배경, 그리고 연구경향 등을 연구사적으로 정리하고 소개하는 데 그 목적이 있다. 1960년대 미전역을 휩쓸었던 민권운동의 영향으로 역사학계는 기존의 역사연구방법론에 변화를 경험하게 되었다. 미국의 역사경험에 대한 장밋빛 그림을 그려주었던 전통의 합의사학에 반기를 들고 등장한 신좌파 역사학자들은 미국의 번영 뒤에 가려졌던 일반 대중들과 희생자들을 역사의 주인공으로 회복시키기 시작했다. 이후 1970년대 ‘밑으로부터의 역사’를 강조했던 사회문화사적 역사연구방법론의 등장은 일반 대중의 역사 경험에 깊은 관심을 표명하며 계급, 젠더, 문화, 종교 등 역사연구대상을 크게 넓혀주었다. 이러한 분위기 속에서 소수 정치엘리트 특히 대통령이라는 행정수반에 집중했던 미국의 정치사는 역사학계에서 서서히 그 위치를 잃어가고 있었다. 그런데 1980년대 이후 21세기 전환기에 접어들면서 정치학계는 물론이고 경제학, 사회학 등 사회과학 분야의 연구자들과 역사학자들의 학제적 연구가 활발히 진행되면서 신제도주의 연구방법론이 역사학에 도입되기 시작했고 미국의 정치사는 새로운 부활의 과정을 경험하고 있다. 특히, 역사학계는 일반 대중의 삶에 가장 큰 영향을 미치는 정부의 공공정책에 다시 관심을 기울이기 시작했고, 정책 형성에 있어서 결정적 역할을 담당하는 입법기관인 의회의 중요성이 대두되고 있다. 그 중에서도, 미국의 사회복지정책의 한계와 문제점을 분석하고자 했던 사회문화사가들이 예컨대 젠더와 인종이 정부정책 결정에 있어서 어떤 영향을 서로 주고받았는가에 주목하게 되면서 복지정책의 확대와 축소에 있어서 의회의 역할은 중요한 연구 주제가 되었다. 의회 연구는 크게 두 가지 접근방법으로 분류할 수 있다. 하나는, 다양한 기관들, 즉 여러 정부기관과 사적기관들과의 관계 속에서 의회라는 입법기관 자체의 성격과 그 변화를 설명하는 접근방식이고, 다른 하나는, 정부의 공공정책 속에서 드러나는 의회의 역할을 단순히 정책사(policy history) 연구의 한 주제로 취급하는 것을 넘어 실질적 수혜자들인 일반 대중들과의 역동적 상호관계 속에서 조망하는 접근방식이다. 정부공공정책에서 의회의 역할에 대한 연구 중 특히 본고는 지금까지 많은 성과물을 발표하고 있는 주제인 젠더와 인종연구를 중심으로 논의를 풀어내었다.

공공기관 기관장의 정치적 연결과 성과와 보상의 비대칭성

최부경 ( Bu-kyung Choi ),안지영 ( Ji-young Ahn ) 아시아.유럽미래학회 2021 유라시아연구 Vol.18 No.1

This study analyzed the relationship between CEO compensation and performance of public institutions in Korea, and conducted panel analysis on samples of 10-year surveys of public and quasi-governmental institutions from 2007 to 2016. This study primarily seeks to verify the performance-compensation relationship and asymmetry of the performance-compensation of CEOs (later, the head of the agency) of public institutions in Korea through empirical data. Specifically, based on data from the heads of domestic public institutions, the performance-compensation sensitivity is verified to what extent the heads of institutions are sensitive to institutional performance. Performance-compensation sensitivity is the extent to which changes in individual performance affect changes in rewards, and the value of the coefficients estimated from the sample data indicates changes in the CEO’s wealth when $ 1 changes, resulting in greater incentives for managers and control. Furthermore, this study explores the possibility of asymmetry in the sensitivity of performance-compensation when the level of compensation for heads of public institutions improves or worsens the agency’s performance. Specifically, asymmetry in performance- compensation sensitivity is a comparison of the extent of changes (increases) in compensation for agency directors when performance improves this year, which can be a case of several public institutions that receive high incentives despite poor management performance. A total of 1,088 institutional-year cases were selected as the study sample collecting data based on a total of 109 institutions disclosed as of 2016. The results show that pay-performance sensitivity is asymmetric with organizational performance. In other words, CEO compensation in public institutions showed significant downward rigidity and the increase in the compensation of the head of the agency when the performance was improved was significant compared to the decrease in the performance. In particular, the downward rigidity was noticeable in the asset management evaluation score and the total asset net return rate (ROA) among the various performance variables used in the analysis. In particular, the downward rigidity was particularly pronounced when we consider management evaluation score of the public institution as a dependent variable. Moverover, the analysis of political connections among managerial characteristics that may affect management compensation and performance shows that asymmetry in management evaluation scores is strengthened when the heads of public institutions are politically connected to the current government. These results suggest that the agency’s performance-based pay does not achieve the intended motivational effect, and particularly, the degree of political connectivity of public agency heads is likely to worsen the agency’s agent problem and cause institutional costs to rise.

정치제도와 복지국가 : 민주국가들의 비교

선학태(Sun, Hak-Tae) 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2012 동서연구 Vol.24 No.1

이 논문은 민주국가별 정치제도의 차이가 복지국가의 차이에 어떤 영향을 미치는가를 경험적으로 분석하는 데 목적을 두었다. 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 영국·미국·한국 등 다수제 정치제도/LME/ 자유주의 복지국가들은 글로벌 시장화에 대응하기 위해 노동시장이 매우 유연화되어 있는 반면, 노동자에 대한 사회적 보호는 매우 취약하고 정부의 실업과 고용문제에 대한 개입도 소극적이다. 반면 합의제 정치제도/CME/사민주의 복지국가인 덴마크와 합의제 정치제도/CME/기민주의 복지국 가인 네덜란드는 글로벌 시장화에 대응하는 높은 노동시장 유연화와 이로 인해 발생하는 사회적 위험에 노출된 사람들에게 포괄적·관대한 사회보장 정책과 노동력 활성화 정책을 실시한다. 결국 다수제 정치제도는 자유주의적 복지 정책레짐을 산출하여 사회갈등을 야기하고 사회통합에 역기 능적으로 작용하는 반면에, 합의제 정치제도는 지속가능한 보편적 복지 정책레짐에 순기능적으로 작용하여 사회통합을 강화하는 데 효과적이다. This paper aims at analyzing empirically how the differences of political institutions among democratic countries have an effect on the distinctiveness of welfare policy regimes. According to the analysis results, Anglo-Saxon countries and South Korea with majoritarian political institutions/LME(liberal market economy)/liberal welfare policy regimes are characterized by labour market flexibility, low social security, and passive labour market policy. In contrast, Denmark and the Netherlands, respectively, with consensual political institutions/CME(coordinated market economy)/social democratic welfare policy regimes, and with consensual political institutions/CME(coordinated market economy)/Christian democratic welfare policy regimes are characterized by high employment protection, high social security and active labour market policy. In this viewpoint, the paper argues that while majoritarian political institutions contribute negatively to social cohesion by means of outputting liberal welfare policy regimes, majoritarian political institutions are effective in strengthening social cohesion through outputting sustainable universal welfare policy regimes.

The Effect of Political Institutions on the Use of Citizen Participation Programs

( Young Min Oh ),( Jong Sun Park ) 서울대학교 행정대학원 2013 Journal of Policy Studies Vol.28 No.2

Local governments` use of citizen participation programs is influenced by external environments, especially in the form of political institutions. Local governments decide to expand or limit citizen participation in administrative decision-making processes in response to political uncertainties created by different types of political institutions. Despite the importance of institutional contexts, few studies have examined the effects of these political institutions on the use of citizen participation programs. This study empirically tested whether political institutions affect the adoption of citizen participation programs. The results suggest that the council-manager form of government increases both the adoption of citizen participation mechanisms and the use of citizen participation programs in functional areas, while nonpartisan elections are associated only with the adoption of citizen participation mechanisms. At-large elections show no statistical association with either type of citizen participation. These findings suggest that local political contexts play important roles in the adoption of bureaucratic practices such as citizen participation programs and still support the classical assertion that public administration is closely connected to politics.

정치제도의 정치경제적 영향: 정부형태와 선거제도의 조합 효과를 중심으로

이성우 한국정치학회 2018 한국정치학회보 Vol.52 No.2

This article aim to analyze that the associative effect of political institutions, especially form of government and electoral system, have a influence on political economic orders in a country. This article established six variables – political regime durability, political competition, political representation, economic institution’s independence, national economic living, government capability - as dependent variables. On Analyzed result, this article found that the associative effect of political institutions make some significant effects to political economic variables depending on several institutional conditions of a country. Also, this article found that political institutions make a very different effects to a society according to different levels of political economic variables. Based on results, this article argue that political elites have to consider the associative effects with electoral systems when their country need to changes of form of governments and that peoples have to look discreetly through the expectation effects of political institution’s reform. 본 논문은 정치제도 조합효과가 정치경제적 질서에 미치는 영향에 대하여 분석한다. 본 논문은정치제도의 효과가 영향을 미치는 요인으로 체제 지속성, 정치적 경쟁성, 정치적 대표성, 경제제도의운용, 국민경제생활, 국가 역량의 변화를 설정하였다. 분석결과, 본 논문은 정부형태와 선거제도의조합효과가 일정한 조건 하에서 정치경제적 요인들에 유의미한 영향을 미치고 있음을 확인하였다. 그리고 본 논문은 제도의 효과가 다른 기타 정치경제적 조건에 따라 다르게 나타나기도 한다는 것을발견하였다. 분석결과에 따라, 본 논문은 정부형태 변경 논의에서 선거제도와의 조합효과를 고려하여야 하며, 정치제도 변경의 기대효과를 신중하게 검토하여야 한다는 것을 강조한다.

미국 정치사(Political History)의 성장과 의회사(Congressional History)

오영인 ( Young In Oh ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 2014 사총 Vol.81 No.-

This study is for understanding and introducing congressional history in the development of American political history since the 1980s. Under the milieu of Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, the New Left criticized the liberal consensus view of American history. Within the historical discipline, in addition, a social and cultural history revolution took place that pushed scholars to emphasize the history from the bottom up such as class formation, gender relations, and cultural consciousness. Therefore. political history, which focused on not ordinary people but political elites who represented peoples, was loosing it`s place in the realm of American history. However, during the 1980s, a group of political scientists, sociologists and historians brought historical institutionalism back into the study of politics since they shared the fact that politics was profoundly historical. Bringing together the new institutionalism and sociocultural history, since the 1980s, political history has been reemerging as sociocultural political history for revisiting the study of politics. And it was the time when congressional history emerged in American political history. When most social and cultural historians minimized the study of government institutions, policymakers, and policies, Congress was characterized an insulated haven for white male elites who subverted the democratic process in favor of vested interest groups or as an archaic institution that functioned as a roadblock from mass social movements. However, recently, historians and historical social scientists are interested in learning more about this important branch of government. A renewed interest among historians in the modern Congress has emerged form two ways. The first approach is the new historical institutional analysis emphasizing how and in what relations Congress itself had been reformed. The second approach which congressional history has emerged is the debate over how gender and race influenced policy development particularly the Social Security Policy. Unlike social scientists or political scientists, historians provide a more dynamic history of Congress by integrating a history of social conflict and nonelite groups into the analysis of politics and considering categories such as gender and race as well as factors such as symbols, ideology and rhetoric. Given the distrust of Congress in history, a stronger understanding of how the institution related to the people and its condition seems more important ever.

EU 기관과 회원국 정치기관에 대한 일반 시민의 신뢰도: 상호관계에 관한 실증분석

강유덕 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2020 국제지역연구 Vol.24 No.1

이 연구는 EU 기관과 회원국의 국내 정치기관에 대한 신뢰도가 상호 영향을 끼친다는 점에 착안하여, 지표 간 비교분석 및 결정요인에 대한 실증분석을 통해 그 원인을 규명하고자 하였다. 특히 EU 기관에 대한 신뢰도는 유럽회의주의를 나타내는 대리지표로 활용된다는 점을 고려하여 유럽회의주의에 관한 결정요인으로 지적되어 온 주요 변수들을 선정하여 실증분석을 실시하였다. 분석결과 일반 시민이 EU 기관과 회원국 정치기관에 대해 갖게 되는 신뢰의 정도는 EU와 회원국 차원에서 민주주의, 각국의 실업률 및 제도적 수준에 의해 결정되는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 종속변수의 변동성과 설명변수의 영향력을 감안할 때, 두 개 층위의 신뢰도는 정합관계와 보상관계를 모두 갖고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 분석결과를 감안할 때, EU 기관과 회원국의 정치기관에 대한 일반 시민의 신뢰가 높아지기 위해서는 첫째, EU 차원에서 구현되는 민주주의에 대한 일반의 인식이 개선되어야 하며, 둘째, 경기활성화를 통해 고용을 창출하고, 실업률을 낮추는 것이 필요하다. This paper reviews the trust in European institutions and domestic political institutions at country level and examines how political trust operates in a multi-level setting in the EU. This paper sheds a light on the fact that trust levels on national institutions and those regarding the European institutions affect mutually and tries to find the causes of this relation. Several studies argued this relation in ‘congruence’ and ‘compensation’ framework. Trust in political institutions in the EU is an important research topic highly related to the euroscepticism that prevailed in some countries during the economic crisis period. The result of the empirical tests shows that the trust levels in both European and domestic political institutions are highly associated with citizens’ perception of democracy at EU level and economic variables such as unemployment rate. Institutional level of country such as political stability and regulatory quality affect also public trust in EU and national institutions. According to our analysis based on macro-level variables, both congruence and compensation frameworks can be justified. In many countries, national trust levels affect trust in EU and European institutions. However, the result of the tests shows the compensation relation between two levels of trusts as well. These finding suggests that main challenges to secure public support for the EU are how to improve the democracy implemented at EU level, dispelling worries about ‘democratic deficit’ and to develop support measures to lower unemployment rate.

한국 헌법상의 정치적 중립성에 관한 연구

류시조(Ryu, Si-Jo) 한국비교공법학회 2015 공법학연구 Vol.16 No.1

& & 우리 헌법상 국군의 정치적 중립성(제5조 제2항), 공무원의 정치적 중립성(제7조 제2항), 교육의 정치적 중립성(31조 제4항)은 군사제도와 교육제도 및 공무원제도를 형성하는 본질적 내용의 이다. 우리 헌법상 군사ㆍ행정ㆍ교육 등 영역에서의 헌법질서 형성의 중요한 요소 중의 하나가 당해 제도이며, 당해 제도의 본질적 내용이 정치적 중립성의 원리이므로 정치적 중립성은 우리 헌법질서의 중요한 질소요소 중의 하나이다. 그리고 군사ㆍ교육ㆍ공무원 제도의 헌법적 보장은 이른바 제도보장으로서 소극적으로는 제도의 형성 유지를 위해 입법자의 자의적 입법에 의한 제도의 본질침해를 막고자하는 데 있으며, 적극적으로는 입법자는 군사제도 교육제도 및 공무원제도의 본질을 보장할 수 있도록 당해제도를 형성하고 유지할 법적 정치적 의무를 진다. 따라서 입법자는 공무원의 정치적 중립의 구체적 내용을 형성함에 있어서 공무원법이나 정당법ㆍ공직선거법 등의 개별입법을 통해 금지되는 정치운동을 열거하는 이른바 네거티브 입법방식을 채택함으로서 열거되지 않은 공무원의 정치활동은 넓게 인정된다고 할 수 있다. 이러한 입법태도는 공무원 개인의 기본권보장을 위하여 과도한 정치활동의 제한을 방지하기 위하여 정치적 중립성의 범위와 한계를 명확히 함으로써 기본권제한의 명확성의 원칙에도 부합하는 입법태도라고 할 수 있다. 헌법은 국군 및 교육의 정치적 중립성 보장을 규정하고 있어나 국군과 교육의 정치적 중립성의 구체적 내용에 관해서 입법적으로 침묵하고 있다. 다만 군인이나 교원에게만 법령상 중립의무를 부과함으로써 국군와 교육의 정치적 중립성을 간접적으로 보장하고 있을 뿐이다. 우리 헌법상 정치적 중립성 보장은 군인이나 교원ㆍ공무원의 정치운동 금지라는 행위규제를 통해 국군ㆍ교육ㆍ행정의 정치적 중립성을 보장하려는 간접 보장형식리라고 할 수 있다. 이러한 보장형식을 보면 군인과 공무원인 교원의 정치적 중립의무 규정에 대하여 공무원의 정치적 중립의무 규정은 일종의 특별법과 일반법과 같은 관계라고 할 수 있다. 그리고 헌법상의 정치적 중립성이란 개념은 우리 헌법질서를 관통하는 중요한 개념이기는 하나 공무원의 정치운동 금지규정을 통해 간접적으로 유추할 수밖에 없다는 점에서 개방적 불확정적 개념이기도 하다. 그러나 정치적 중립성이란 개념은 군사ㆍ행정ㆍ교육 영역에서 우리 헌법 전 체계를 통해 유추해 낼 수 법 개념으로서 궁극적으로는 입법자와 법원은 이에 구속된다고 할 수 있다. & & Our Constitution defines political neutrality as essential content of military and education institution. Relevant institutions of military, administration, education in our constitution is one of key factors of constitutional order. And essential content of relevant institutions is the principle of political neutrality, so the principle of political neutrality is one of the primary elements of our constitutional order. Constitutional guarantee of militaryㆍadministrationㆍeducation so-called institutional guarantee in two ways; passively it is to prevent essence infringement by arbitrary legislation for formation and maintenance of institution, and having political obligation to form and maintain the relevant institutions to guarantee essentials of militaryㆍadministrationㆍeducation in active way. And when legislators form specific political neutrality of officials, they adopt negative law approach which is list of forbidden political action through individual legislation of political parties law or official act, public election law. This is legislation attitude to prevent limiting excessive political action for personal fundamental rights guarantee of officials. Even though constitution guarantee the political neutrality of the armed forces and education, however, constitution silent legislatively even in lower statue about specifically what is the political neutrality, but only guarantee the political neutrality of the armed forces and education indirectly by charging soldiers or teachers neutral duty in legislation we can find political neutral obligation duty of officials about political neutrality of soldiers and teachers that are officials is like relationship between special law and general law. Even though concept of political neutrality on constitution is very important concept that penetrate constitutional order, it is an abstract concept so that we only infer indirectly through political activities prohibition of officials. The concept of political neutrality, at this point of view, is an open and uncertain concept that can be specified through legislative and judicial translation.

정치제도개혁 아이디어의 발흥, 확산, 그리고 제도화 -일본에서의 선거제도개혁을 중심으로-

박철희 ( Cheol Hee Park ) 현대일본학회 2010 日本硏究論叢 Vol.32 No.-

일본에서의 정치제도개혁, 특히 선거제도개혁은 제도, 이해관계, 아이디어간의 상호관계를 재조명하는 데 좋은 사례를 제공한다. 제도변화를 설명함에 있어, 역사적 제도론자들은 전쟁이나 혁명 등 제도외생적 변수를 강조한 데 반해, 합리적 선택론자들은 제도내에서의 계약으로 표상되는 보상구조의 변환에서 이유를 찾는다. 이 논문은 리쿠르트 스캔들로 부각된 제도피로라는 내생적 변수가 불러일으킨 총체적 위기감이 제도개혁이라는 아이디어의 발흥을 가져왔지만, 제도개혁 아이디어가 개별 정치인의 이해의 총합에서 오는 것이 아님을 밝힌다. 정치개혁이라는 아이디어에 대해 정치세력은 다양한 반응을 보였다. 적극적인 찬성, 소극적인 찬성, 소극적인 반대, 그리고 적극적인 반대 등 다양한 의견이 표출되었다. 정치개혁은 정치권의 합의에 의해 추진되었다기보다는 정치세력간의 갈등이 개혁 아이디어 확산의 주된 모습이었다. 정치개혁 아이디어의 적극적 추진세력이 탈당을 마다하는 행동을 통해 정치개혁 아이디어 정착의 돌파구를 마련하였다. 한편, 정치개혁 아이디어가 선거제도 개혁의 입법화라는 구체적인 단계에 접어들자. 정치세력들은 자신이 속한 정당의 이해관계를 최소한이나마 보전하기 위해 입법화 내용을 전환하고 타협하는 방식을 통해 소속 정당의 생존가능성을 높이고자 하였다. 일본에서의 정치제도개혁은 정치가 다양한 이해관계를 가진 세력간의 갈등을 내포한 집단적인 게임이라는 사실을 다시 한번 확인해준다. Political institutional change, in particular electoral system change, in Japan provides us with a fertile ground for rethinking interaction among ideas, interests, and institutions. In explaining institutional change, historical institutionalists relied on exogenous factors like war and revolution, while rational choice institutionalists focused on the changes in incentive structure signified by contracts. This article instead highlights institutional immobilism or fatigue, endogenous factor, as an impetus to institutional change. In Japan, political institutional reform ideas stemmed from crisis consciousness after the recruit scandal, which symbolized collective jeopardy to political circle. The spread of political reform ideas has not necessarily been consensual. Japanese politicians responded to the idea of electoral system change in four ways: strong advocate; passive consent; passive resistance; and active denial. Despite the existence of diverse streams, political reform ideas had been pushed through by the assertive action by reform advocates, who dared to split from the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. At the stage of institutionalizing electoral system change, political forces made utmost endeavor to translate the reform ideas into a formula that did not hurt minimum survival potential of party members. Instead of profit maximization, search for compromised solutions reflecting minimum defense of collective partisan interests prevailed. The case of Japanese political reform suggests that politics is a collective game with strong elements of conflicts among plural political forces advocating different political ideas.