华侨华人与中国的公共外交: 理论建构与现实挑战

王秋彬 ( Wang Qiubin ) 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 2020 중국사회과학논총 Vol.2 No.2

目前全球华侨华人总数高达6000多万, 是世界上规模最大的海外侨民群体, 也是中国宝贵的战略资源。海外华侨华人熟悉中国与住在国的情况, 在促进中外交往方面具有得天独厚的天然优势。发挥海外侨民的独特作用, 为祖(籍)国的建设发展以及外交战略服务, 这是以色列、印度、日本、韩国等诸多世界主要侨务资源大国的通行做法。中国向来重视海外侨胞在沟通中外上所发挥的独特而重要的作用, 为了更好地借助侨务资源推进公共外交与人文交流, 中国于2011年提出了侨务公共外交的理念, 旨在通过侨务渠道开展公共外交。在实践中, 中国以华侨华人为依托, 大力开展引资、引智工作, 动员海外侨胞为祖(籍)国的现代化建设事业服务; 希望海外侨胞传播优秀的中华文化, 利用自己联通中外的优势, 发挥桥梁作用, 讲好中国故事; 号召海外侨胞积极融入当地主流社会, 建设和谐侨社、展示大国侨民形象, 提升中国软实力。但随着中国的崛起, 中国与世界的关系发生了历史性变化, 侨务公共外交的推进面临日益复杂的国际形势、住在国对华舆论氛围以及海外侨胞自身复杂多元的个人因素等方面的严峻挑战。在当今复杂的国际环境下, 中国在侨务公共外交实践中应当摒弃想当然的思维定式, 工作上要注意把握内外有别的原则, 因地制宜、因地施策, 以文化、情感为纽带联络祖(籍)国与海外侨胞的血脉联系, 把“三个有利于”的侨务工作原则作为一个整体贯彻到侨务公共外交实践中去, 促进中国公共外交事业的大发展。 China has the largest diaspora in the world, with an estimation of over 60 million in 2014. Ethnic Chinese overseas share some common historical memories and cultures and thus have better understandings of China’s policies; and they directly build up the image of “Chinese” in foreign lands and proactively take the advantages in Sino-Foreign engagement. China pays special attention to the roles that overseas Chinese can play in its communication and exchanges with international communities against the backdrop that China has been increasingly involved into world politics and integrated into global economy. Diasporas have been recognized as valuable resources by states to serve the construction and strategic development of their home countries and promote mutual trust and understanding in international relations. It is a common practice for Israel, India, Japan, South Korea and many other major countries in the world to utilize the resources of the diaspora for diplomacy by strengthening the psychological, cultural and economic bonds with their diasporas. The constructs of ethnic identity produce appeals for power seeking states. Chinese government, ever since the Mao era, has been engaging the Chinese diaspora in the process of modernization and the communication between China and the external world, and the state leaders view soft power as an indispensable part of comprehensive national strength. Therefore, China pursuing to increase its capability to disseminate information and ideas in the campaign of soft power attaches great importance to overseas Chinese in promoting public diplomacy and people-to-people exchanges. Chinese authorities put forward the concept of “diaspora public diplomacy” in 2011 and constantly make efforts in developing diaspora policies and institutions for transnational expansion of influence and global reach. The working mechanism of diaspora public diplomacy is as follows: through a diverse range of government-led cultural and economic exchanges with and policy interpretations to overseas Chinese, the relevant departments of China will guide them to correctly understand China’s social conditions and public sentiment and opinions; and then the Chinese diaspora will disseminate Chinese-related information and explicate it to the local public and government with indigenized expressions that can be effectively received and understood by the local communities, so as to increase the extent of recognition and favorability among the external audiences and further promote the local government to stipulate and implement friendly policy towards China which would be consistent with China’s national interests. In this process, overseas Chinese have dual identities. They are firstly the intermedium transmitters of China's public diplomacy mainly conducted by government’s overseas Chinese affairs institutions, and then the agents of China’s public diplomacy in regards to the communication with the foreign publics and governments. In practice, China relies on overseas Chinese as its base to project Chinese soft power, mobilizes the diaspora with Chinese language and culture appeal, and follows the principles of cooperation and mutual benefits (good for the overseas Chinese, good for their residing country and good for China). China has made efforts to enhance media capacity by partaking or involving overseas Chinese media to tell the stories of China and spread the culture of China, which increases creativity and credibility of China’s publicity and meanwhile strengthens the ties of “Chinese”; China has conducted a series of reforms in laws and regulations relating to immigration and a variety of economic sectors to attract foreign investments and talents; China calls on the diaspora to actively integrate into the local society while maintaining “Chineseness” identities and make contributions to the development and progress of the country they reside in, to consolidate the mutual trust on international level and establish the positive image of overseas Chinese as a group. However, the Westphalian nation-state system doubts the loyalty of ethnic groups in the political perspective and the western society follows realism approaches in understanding China’s increasing strength and presence in international community; China faces massive scale smears and attacks on its ideology and policies. The transition to assertiveness of China on international issues and the complexities of international relations make the practice of diaspora public diplomacy harder to advance. The host country and media coverage tend to interpret China’s diaspora public diplomacy by state-centric approaches and the multidimensionality in diaspora’s homeland engagement leads to public sentiment of suspicion and even hatred. In some countries and regions, Chinese national students, diasporic Chinese and locals with Chinese ancestry are deemed as “the fifth column” that are seeking for expansion of communist interests and influence, posing threats to their security. And there are some overseas Chinese who do not agree with China’s policy are still “tarnishing” China, which, to a certain extent, damages China’s image. To recapitulate, China should make realistic appraisal of the international environment and push forward its international engagement with more flexible and indigenized diaspora public diplomacy. In practice, Chinese diaspora policies should adhere to the principle of mutual benefits and accommodate the needs and interests of both Chinese diasporic communities and the foreign audiences, dismissing the thinking that overseas Chinese should and will actively strive for the development of the country of their ancestors and serve as the foundation for promoting China’s grand strategy such as the Belt and the Road. In carrying out specific programs, China should make differences between domestic and external-oriented affairs, differentiating approaches and means in terms of communication and propaganda according to the varying conditions in targeted countries or regions and norms of other nationals and ethnic groups. The link of psycho-cultural and phenotypic ethnic identities should be consolidated between the motherland and overseas Chinese. Diasporic engagement in public diplomacy and overseas Chinese affairs falling under the responsibilities of official institutions should be coordinated with a holistic perspective by the state, so as to promote the appeal of China and improve China’s relations with foreign countries.

동북아의 차이니스 디아스포라와 국가정책: 한국과 일본의 사례를 중심으로

이정남 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2008 국제지역연구 Vol.12 No.3

The establishment of transnational ethnic community is formed with globalization and movements of population in transnational space. It means that ethnic groups exist as one community in the world, but have various life styles according to the conditions of the new country of residence. Overseas Chinese also have one ethnic community in transnational space but in the meanwhile, they have diverse life styles in line with the policy of their new residential country. Overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia not only took the initiative of economic development in their new countries of residence but also actively adapted themselves to the new societies. On the other hand, overseas Chinese in Korea and Japan have lived economically difficult lives and moreover, they have been isolated from the society of the country of residence. This difference has been resulted from their residential countries' different policies on overseas Chinese. Though there was a little difference in their policies, most Southeast Asian countries asked overseas Chinese to choose the nationality of their residential country and to adapt themselves to the new countries. The countries also developed capital of overseas Chinese as a vital part of their national economy, namely the industries that formed the foundation of the country. But Korea and Japan took an exclusive policy of nationality and management toward overseas Chinese and also treated them with social and economic discrimination. Above all, the countries restricted the development of overseas Chinese capital as well as they did not provide overseas Chinese with any social assistance. As a result, overseas Chinese of Northeast Asia were differentiated from those of Southeast Asia in social and economic conditions. In conclusion, while diaspora makes transnational ethnic communities in the transnational space, lives of ethnic communities are influenced by the policy of the new country of residence. 세계화와 함께 국경을 초월한 인구이동이 활발하게 이루어지면서 국민국가를 단위로 한 민족을 초월하여 초국적 민족공동체 네트워크의 형성이 활발하게 이루어지고 있다. 이 같은 국경을 초월한 초국적 민족공동체의 형성은 민족들의 삶이 전 세계적 맥락에서 하나로, 그러나 거주국의 조건에 따라 다양한 형태로 이루어짐을 의미한다. 화교·화인의 삶도 전 세계에서 중화민족이라는 정체성에 기초한 단일 공동체를 형성하고 있지만, 거주국의 조건에 따라 다양한 형태를 띠고 있다. 동남아의 화교·화인들이 거주국사회에서 경제발전을 주도하고 정치, 사회적으로 거주국사회에 적극적으로 동화되면서 거주국 사회를 이끌어가는 핵심집단이라면, 한국과 일본을 중심으로 한 동북아지역의 화교·화인은 경제, 사회, 문화적으로 거주국사회로 동화되거나 핵심집단으로 부상하지 못하고, 주변부로 밀려나 상대적으로 고립된 삶을 살아왔다. 거주국가의 화교·화인정책의 차이는 이러한 결과가 발생하는 데 결정적인 영향을 미쳤다. 비록 동남아에서는 국가별로 약간의 차이가 있긴 하지만, 대개의 국가들은 전후 화교·화인의 국적취득을 장려하고 사회문화적 동화정책을 취하였으며, 또한 1980년대를 전후하여 화교·화인자본을 거주국의 민족경제의 일부로 흡수하여 이들이 국가경제의 핵심역량으로 성장하도록 장려하였다. 반면에 한국과 일본은 폐쇄적 국적정책과 외국인관리정책을 통하여 화교와 화인들의 자유로운 거주와 경제활동이 어렵도록 하였고, 문화적으로도 철저한 방임정책을 통하여 거주국에 동화되는 것이 어렵도록 하였다. 무엇보다도 화교자본과 상인에 대한 각종 규제조치를 통하여, 이들이 거주국의 자본 및 상인들과 경쟁에서 생존하기 어려운 조건을 만들었다. 바로 이러한 이유로 동남아와 동북아의 화교·화인은 사회, 경제적으로 완전히 상이한 조건에 처하게 된 것이다. 이러한 사실들은 다양한 민족들의 디아스포라는 국민국가의 경계를 벗어난 초국적 민족공동체의 형성을 이끌어내고 있지만, 초국적 민족공동체의 삶은 또한 개별국가의 정책에 결정적으로 영향을 받고 있음을 말해준다. 즉 거주국 국가가 어떠한 정책을 취하는가가 거주국 내 소수민족의 사회, 경제적 삶에 결정적인 영향을 미치고 있어, 개별국가가 초국적 공동체의 삶에 여전히 결정적으로 영향을 미치고 있음을 알 수 있다.

제1차 세계대전 이후 중국의 동남아시아 무역과 화교의 역할

박정현(Park Jung-Hyun) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2007 亞細亞硏究 Vol.50 No.4

Chinese trade with South East Asia had witnessed a gentle increase. However Chinese goods and half-finished products which had been exported to the market of South East Asia had accounted for small quantity. In the meanwhile, Japan had been given in the 1920s a great deal of weight in the South East Asian markets, in the 1930s it had overwhelmed metropolitan exports to their colonies. After the 1930s Japan began to build a typical perpendicular division of labor with South East Asia, in which Japan was designed to export industrial products in lieu of importing raw materials from the latter. In short the expansion of trade in Asia after the 1920s had resulted from increase Japan’s influence in East Asia including South East Asia. Also Asia economy had transformed into a perpendicular division of labor centering on Japan. The Chinese trade with South East Asia had developed by the medium of overseas Chinese. China’s trade overall balance had been deficit but its trade with South East Asia had been surplus or beneficial. Overseas Chinese had played a pivotal role in the South East Asian economy. The economic status of overseas Chinese mounting up to millions had differed from place to place. Overseas Chinese had nearly monopolized commerce of South East Asia countries by leading wholesale trade and brokerage business. In the area of massive production and trade they had been behind only Metropolitan and Japanese corporations. The Chinese trade with South East Asia had been activated particularly in the field of rice, sugar which the overseas Chinese had dominated. China exported daily necessaries for overseas Chinese use and imported commodities including primary products. The Chinese emigration itself had been beneficial to China proper by alleviating burden of overpopulation and reducing problem of unemployment and paupers. It also actively contributed to the development of the mother country by making a remittance and invest capital to it. Remittance was absolutely important for the family’s living. Therefore occasional diminution and suspension of remittance had threatened to living condition of millions overseas household in the southern China. In particular the economy of Guangdong and Fujian in South China depended on the amount of remittance. This remittance rescued the chronic deficit suffering Chinese economy from going bankrupt. Overseas Chinese invested capital chiefly in home provinces, Guangdong and Fujian and an advanced city Shanghai. The investment of overseas Chinese enhanced home-city’s economic well-being. It help forward communication and transportation facilities to improve circulation of commodities and further to the development of capitalist economy. On the other hand, the decrease of overseas Chinese economy hit severe damage to the southern China to the extent of causing overall socioeconomic unrest. In spite of their enormous power to the Chinese economy, the overseas Chinese in South East Asia did not identity their interests with those of mother country. For them, China was safe and beneficial havens for their investment. The overseas Chinese were preoccupied with familism rather than nationalism. In short, they kept collaboration with China not in the bond of patriotism but the interest of realistic gains.

화교(華僑), 화교(華僑) 네트워크와 주한사관(駐韓使館) -청일전쟁 이후 한성 지역을 중심으로-

김희신 중국사학회 2014 中國史硏究 Vol.89 No.-

Chinese departure from Korea due to the First Sino Japanese War was a temporary phenomenon and the number of overseas Chinese merchants in Korea increased twice every year. Most of Chinese coming to Korea left coastal area of Shandong to make a living. Although the ratio of merchants was still high among Chinese living in Hancheong, there were significant changes in the composition of overseas Chinese society with the increase of farmers or laborers. In the origin of the people, northern area was dominant. All of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea in Hancheong and other ports came back to China with the outbreak of the Sino Japanese War and directors of Chinese merchant organizations in each port replaced diplomatic officers until the normalization of the relationship between two countries. Even when diplomatic supports of Chinese government could not be expected, Chinese merchants could sustain their lives thanks to the existing overseas Chinese network. The formal placement of diplomats after the Sino Japanese War was regulated by the Treaty of Commerce between Korea and Chinese in 1899 and it was regulated by the Treaty of Commerce between China and Japan in 1896 after the diplomatic cessation between Korea and China due to Korea Japan Annexation in 1910. It seems that there were two systems in overseas Chinese organizations in Korea after the Sino Japanese War such as Banghui (방會) and Shanghui (商會 or huashangzonghui, 華商總會) based on Banghui organizations. Banghui is the organization based on the origin area (same hometown) which has existed before the Sino Japanese War. Each Bang was an important part in the operation of the organization such as process of merchant related matters, club construction fund raising and management. Banghui involved itself in commercial transactions or guaranteed the interest and status of merchants customarily or through regulations such as ``zhangcheng``(章程). On the other hand, Shanghui organizations were made based on 4 big Banghui in Hancheong. Members held merchants` meeting, discussed various issues related to engineering and commerce, practiced the decisions or appealed to the government. For example, it functioned as a counter and a consultative group for the communication and for the systematic management of overseas Chinese merchants in Korea with the trend of increase of trading by Chinese. Their roles included collecting membership fees, managing the club, establishing schools, firefighting (water) organizations, purchasing firefighting vehicles (water vehicles) and dispute settlement. What we should note here is the establishment of Shanghui by overseas Chinese in Korea was closely related to the Xinzheng(新政) measure by Qing government. The establishment and institutionalization of Shanghui gave a clue to overcome the limits of organizations by hometown and by trade, and made direct influence on the change in social organizations of overseas Chinese in Hancheong. The leading group of this organization was elected through elections based on the number of actual members, status of capital, hometown and social activities. Although these organizations pursued the economic profits of members and were involved in various social activities, their activities and organization configuration could be changed according to the intensity of control of the government and the political changes. Regardless of Banghui or Shanghui, they played the role of liaison between diplomatic offices in Korea and general overseas Chinese. Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea was the supreme organization of overseas Chinese in Korea and took the important role of the protection of Chinese and the supervision and the management of Chinese government just as before Sino Japanese War.

생존과 친일 사이 -중일전쟁 시기 신의주화교의 동향-

이은상 ( Lee Eun Sang ) 중국사학회 2017 中國史硏究 Vol.106 No.-

This paper is to research overseas Chinese of Shinuiju who met the matter of both their survival and pro-Japanese in Sino-Japanese war era. First of all it deals with the identification of overseas Chinese(Huachao). Overseas Chinse in Joseon mostly had the identification of National Government of China irrespective of their birth in China, but overseas Chinese who came to Joseon from Manjuria since had come into existence were called overseas Manjurians(Manchao). Geographically the place where overseas Manjurians lived most was Pyeonganbukdo that included Shinuiju. Men who had the identification of overseas Manjurians were favorably granted than overseas Chinese. Thus most of powerful overseas Chinese in Shinuiju changed their identification to the one of Manjuria following the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, which considerably impacted the overseas Chinese society. In sequence this research checked the aspect of the primary school for overseas Chinese and the problem of pro-Japanese. National Government of Wang Jing-wei laid stress on the education of Chinese identity and granted more subsidy for it than Nanjing National Government of China. The control of Chinese Consulate in Joseon was strengthened as the education support grant increased. The officials of the Consulate additionally held the principal of schools that were divided in three such as primary, industrial and farming school in Shinuiju, and the most of teachers were from Manjuria. The schools were used for the places for holding ceremony and mobilizing people as the control of them were strengthened by the Consulate. Allocations of contributions for pro-Japanese were `ordinarily` allocated to all overseas Chinese who included the rich of them, and such an act of pro-Japanese was not relevant to their survivals.

중국의 화교(華僑)정책에 대한 연구 - 대만의 화교정책과의 비교를 中心으로

조정원 사단법인 한국민족연구원 2009 민족연구 Vol.0 No.37

Overseas chinese are the attractive groups for China and Taiwan, both countries have competed to bring over overseas chinese in political level and economic level mutually. Enhancing the value of Overseas chinese by strengthening economic power is making them more attractive, and that incite to both countries to compete. The difference on overseas chinese policy of China and Taiwan, above all, is policy on the nationality. China confirmed 'unitary nationality' in 1955 and 1980, Taiwan acknowledged the 'dual nationality' on overseas chinese's policy. Their is no clear answer which policy is more effective, but the dual nationality has the higher possibility of impediment in 'localization’. China has pursued preservation of 'Zhonghua nationality' with localization dually and adhered 'unitary nationality', who has embraced lots of overseas chinese more than Taiwan. That proved China's policy on overseas chinese are more charming to overseas chinese. The present time, overseas chinese's the economic scale is prodigious, overseas chinese network which is WCEC (World Chinese Entrepreneurs Convention) has held 9th, after that convention, overseas chinese groups are getting more systematically and strengtheningly, achieved the outstanding capacity. On this, China and Taiwan have competed to take overseas chinese for their own benefit sharply. Right now, however, I can say that China hold the dominant position about overseas chinese more than Taiwan, because China's the large-scale economy and the systematic law for overseas chinese is more effective than Taiwan. Then, such as China's policy on overseas chinese are that provide the great role model for each country in policy of the fellow countrymen, also give good points to Korea's compatriots policy.

한국 화교의 초국가적 성격과 전망 - 광주지역 화교를 중심으로 -

김경학 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2012 민족문화논총 Vol.51 No.-

This paper aims at analyzing the nature of transnationalism of Korean Overseas Chinese in the Gwangju area, who maintain their connection to Korean Overseas Chinese in Korea and out of Korea and scattered in different countries, mainly Taiwan and USA. Due to the discriminative policies against foreign residents including Korean Overseas Chinese during President Park’s regime, about 30,000 Korean Overseas Chinese have migrated to Taiwan and USA, and Japan for seeking better economic opportunities. The migration of Korean Overseas Chinese to their old home places like Weihai and Yantai is generally regarded as the second wave of migration among them. For Korean Overseas Chinese who have been marginalized and unstable in Korean society, this migration had much to do with economic benefits, rather than a nostalgia for the motherland or hometown. This study explored the nature of transnationalism among Korean Overseas Chinese in terms of their socio-cultural and economic activities. Their culture of kinship and marriage has played important roles in constructing and maintaining their migration and transnational networks. To be specific, life-cycle and domestic rituals and secular gathering like off-line alumni community have become excellent chances for them to confirm and strengthen their kinship and school relation networks. This paper has argued that most Korean Overseas Chinese prefer ethnic endogamy, despite occurrence of some cases of inter-marriage. However, it is quite true to say that the frequent occurrence of inter-marriage between Korean Chinese men and Korean women gradually diminishes the transnational migration among Korean Chinese. This research has presented the comfortable transnational migration of family members for middle-class and professional who can afford to provide the financial support for international migrations. Korea’s importance as a central point of reference for Overseas Korean Chinese is likely to gradually diminish with growing number of overseas third and fourth generation for whom Korea does not have the same sentimental meaning as for their parents. However, in general, Korea is likely to remain, for a while, as the center of reference for maintaining transnational social fields and networks for Korean Overseas Chinese. 본 연구는 한국 정부의 화교에 대한 차별적 정책이 심화되었던 1970~80년도에 대만과 미국 등지로 이주한 한국 화교의 이산과정, 초국가적 정체성 형성, 사이버 동창회와 혼인 관습 등에 대한 분석을 통해 한국 화교의 초국가적 성격을 규명하고 이를 전망하는데 그 목적이 있다. 1992년 한중 수교 이후 새로운 기회 모색을 위한 일부 화교들의 중국 산동성 위하이와 옌타이로의 초국가적 이주는 한국 화교의 초국가적 공간의 확장으로 사료된다. 본 연구는 경제적 상황에 따라 초국가적 이주가 모든 화교사회에 균질적이기 보다는 차이가 있음을 지적하고 있다. 또한 인터넷과 같은 통신수단의 획기적 발달로 ‘화교고등학교’ 사이버 동창회를 통해 온라인과 오프라인의 네트워크 연결이 활발히 유지되었음을 규명하고 있다. 특히 한국 출신 화교의 정례적인 성묘관습과 동창회 모임 등은 한국과 해외 화교와의 네트워크 유지를 위한 중요한 계기가 되고 있다. 해외에서 출생한 이민 3세대들은 한국을 한국 화교의 초국가적 네트워크의 ‘중심된 근거지’로 점차 인정하지 않을 수도 있다. 그러나 부모의 가업을 이어가면서 조상의 묘지관리와 제사준비 등을 책임지고 있는 적지 않은 화교 구성원이 한국에 살고 있으며, 한국인과의 결혼 사례가 점차 늘고 있기 때문에 한동안 한국은 한국 화교의 중심된 근거지로서의 중요성이 유지될 것으로 전망된다.

화교학교의 역사를 통해서 본 화교문화의 형성과 변화

김중규(Kim jung Gyu) 역사문화학회 2010 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.13 No.1

본 연구는 화교학교 연혁을 통하여 화교들이 자신들의 정체성 보존을 위하여 건립한 화교학교가 화교들의 문화형성에 어떤 영향을 끼쳤는지를 살펴보고자 하는데 있다. 연구자가 이처럼 화교학교라는 대상을 통하여 한국 화교의 정체성 및 생활문화의 형성과정을 살피고자 하는 이유는 학교라는 공간과 그 안에서 이루어지는 교육이라는 행위의 문화적 특수성에 주목했기 때문이다. 교육은 특정집단이 자신들의 문화를 보존 전달하기 위한 원초적 행위이며, 또한 화교학교라는 공간이 화교에 대한 이제까지의 주요 연구주제이던 화교의 정체성, 관계망의 구성, 화교의 세계화, 국제적인 이주와 재이주 그리고 정착, 이주국 국민으로의 동화와 이화, 소수민족으로서의 타자화 및 새롭게 주목받는 다문화사회 등 이른바 디아스포라(diaspora) 문화와 연관된 많은 의문점을 풀어줄 수 있는 단서들을 포괄적으로 내포하고 있는 중층적 공간이라고 보기 때문이다. 화교 학교와 교육을 분석하기 위해서 본고에서는 역사인류학적 방법을 이용하여 문제에 접근해 보고자 한다. 그 이유는 무엇보다 역사인류학적 방법이 화교의 역사와 문화를 분석하는데 유용하다고 보기 때문이다. 특히 화교의 문화가 고정 불변한 것이 아니라 상황에 따라서 구성되어지는 것이라는 점을 강조할 수 있기에 더욱 그러하다. 이러한 인류학적 역사쓰기의 장점은 기록을 촘촘하게(또는 두텁게) 읽으면서 일상생활 문화를 재구성해서 당대인의 삶과 인식을 잘 드러낸다는데 있다. 오래된 과거를 다룰 때는 남아있는 기록이 전부이기에 선택의 여지가 없지만, 다행히 본 연구는 20세기 초중반 이후의 시대를 다루게 되므로 그 시대를 살았던 사람들의 증언과 기억을 기록 자료와 더불어서 활용할 수 있는 장점이 있다. 이러한 역사인류학적 방법론에 힘입어 이 글에서는 역사학의 문헌기록인 화교학교 연혁지를 중심축으로 하여 관련 문헌기록과 사진자료 그리고 당시 학교를 다녔던 화교들에 대한 구술조사를 최대한 병행하는 방법을 활용하고자 하였다. 연구결과 화교학교는 교육을 통하여 자신들만의 정체성을 유지하고 재생산하며 화교사회의 정치적 중심체로서 화교문화 형성에 중요한 의미와 역할을 하였음을 알 수 있었다. 또한 화교학교는 지속적인 기부금 지원, 학교공간을 통한 공동체강화, 교육내용을 통하여 모국 및 거주국 정부와 지속적인 관계 유지 창구로서의 정치적 역할 등 화교문화 형성에 광범위하게 영향을 끼치고 있었다. 특히 학교를 일종의 정치기구인 중화상회 군산분회에서 운영함으로서 국내외 정치적 상황변화에 따라 교육내용을 민족, 친일 반공 등으로 바꾸는 과정은 화교들이 거주국에서 살아남기 위한 최소한의 정치적 선택이라고 판단할 수 있다. 하지만 이러한 선택이 결국에는 한, 중, 대만의 냉전체제 과정에서 한국정부의 화교정책과 맞물려 한국의 화교들을 극단적인 비정치 집단으로 변화시킴으로서 결국 화교의 재이주 및 쇠퇴의 길로 들어서게 하는 또 하나의 요인이 되었음을 알게 되었다. 이러한 결론을 통해서 교육이 문화의 보존, 전승 기능과 함께 문화를 변화시키는 구성요인으로 작용함을 확인할 수 있었다. The purpose of this study is to look into how overseas Chinese school established to preserve their identity effect on forming overseas Chinese culture through Overseas chinese school history. To analyze Overseas Chinese school and education, I would approach the subject with history & anthropological method in this paper because history & anthropological method is very helpful in analysis for Overseas Chinese's history and culture. 1,200 overseas Chinese in Gunsan, harbor city located in Far East established Gunsan overseas Chinese elementary school to preserve national identity on 1941, World War Ⅱ driving the whole world mad and despair age. Since then, they have experienced many historical events such as forming national identity by war between China and Japan, collapse of Japan, choice for returning to China or staying Korea resulted liberation of Korea, chaos after liberation of Korea, separated family, Korean War, and anticommunism education. and kept their school for 11 years. The purpose of this study is to look into how effect overseas Chinese school established to preserve their identity on forming overseas Chinese culture through Overseas Chinese school history. Because researcher is on attention to cultural characteristics of school and education, researcher studies into Chinese-Korean's identity and formation of lifestyle and culture through overseas Chinese school. Following study, school education plays important roles to form overseas Chinese culture such as maintaining identity, reproduction, and political center. Overseas Chinese school also has had an effect on widespread fields of culture playing role as relations maintaining window between China government and country of residence's government by contribution, tightening up their community through school space, and content of education. Especially, school run by political organization called 중화상회, curriculums are depended on political situations to survive countries of their residence. It is considered political choice of minimum. But, Chinese-Korean has become to change extreme nonpolitical group by this selection. It brought about decline and re-move of Chinese-Korean with Korean government's Chinese-Korean policy for duration of cold war. From this conclusion, we confirmed that education is a principal factor to preserve, transmit, and change culture.

해방 후 조선 화교들의 북한 사회 정착 과정

박영실 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2019 한국학 Vol.42 No.3

There were about 60,000 overseas Chinese living in the North Korea right after the liberation from Japanese colonial rule. Moreover, the overseas Chinese in the North Korea thought their mother country was the People’s Republic of China at the beginning during the Chinese civil war. However, the Soviet army resided in the North Korea and Chinese communist party enhanced its influence on the overseas Chinese because the North Korea was close to the northeastern region of China. In particular, the establishment of the North Korea People’s Committee and organization of the North Korea Overseas Chinese Federation changed the tendency of overseas Chinese. The North Korea Overseas Chinese Federation implemented the ideology education and political propaganda of the North Korean authority to overseas Chinese and requested the North Korean authority to give the same rights as the North Korean to the overseas Chinese. The North Korea Overseas Chinese Federation also asked the North Korean authority to allow the overseas Chinese to participate in economic and social projects implemented in the North Korea by sending the messages to each relevant organization under the North Korea People’s Committee as well as its chairman Kim il‒sung. The North Korean authority also executed the policies under the judgment that overseas Chinese were the members in its community. After all, the overseas Chinese could secure almost the same treatment as the North Korean in the projects executed by the North Korean authority including the field of economic and the field of education. 한반도 해방 직후 북한에 거주하던 화교의 수는 6만여 명이었고, 국공내전이 진행되던 당시에도 초기에 화교들이 모국으로 생각했던 것은 중화민국이었다. 하지만 북한에 소련군이 진주하고, 동북지역과 거리가 인접했던 이유로 화교들에 대한 중국공산당의 영향력은 강화되었다. 특히 북조선인민위원회의 수립과 북조선화교연합회의 구성은 화교들의 성향을 변화시켰다. 북조선화교연합회는 화교들에게 사상교육, 북한 정부의 정책 선전 등을 진행했고, 북한 정부에게는 화교들이 조선인민들과 동등한 권리를 가질 수 있도록 협조를 요청했다. 화교연합회는 북조선인민위원회 위원장 김일성과 북조선인민위원회 산하 각 기관에 전문을 보내 북한에서 진행되는 경제적, 사회적 사업에서 화교들도 참여할 수 있도록 협조를 요청했고, 북한 정부도 이들이 사회의 일원이라는 판단 하에 정책을 집행했다. 결국 화교들은 북한 정부가 진행하는 경제 분야와 교육 분야 등에서 거의 조선인들과 동등한 대우를 받을 수 있었다.

'두 개의 중국'과 화교정책의 분기 : 반둥회의(1955) 전후를 중심으로

李炳翰(Lee Byeong Han) 중국근현대사학회 2010 중국근현대사연구 Vol.45 No.-

The divergence of overseas Chinese policies between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China (commonly known as Taiwan) arises from the asymmetric conditions of two countries. The overseas Chinese has now become a debt, not an asset, to CCP who won the Chinese Civil War and came into power in the mainland. The reason for this is that Chinese residents abroad with dual nationality are becoming an obstacle to improving CCP's relationships with its neighboring countries. The Communists needed to abolish dual nationality in order to get rid of the neighboring countries' worries about the spread of China's communist revolution. Since CCP could not have been enjoying a legal status in the international community as well as the United Nations, it couldn't help but place weight on improving its international relations. It is particularly important that there was an intention to settle the issue of Taiwan's sovereignty behind mainland China's strategic decision to give up the overseas Chinese. Indeed, China's situation itself as a divided country was the essential cause of bringing about great change in its overseas Chinese policy. However, the abolition of overseas Chinese's dual nationality rather gave the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) a golden opportunity to revive its influence. The support of Chinese residents in Southeast Asia was urgently needed by the Nationalists who had retreated to Taiwan after defeat in the civil war. It was indispensable to obtain support from overseas Chinese for securing the legitimacy of their political power in Taiwan and defending the national existence of the country. The Nationalists focused most of their efforts on the policies of permitting overseas Chinese to maintain dual nationality and granting them special benefits, and as a result Taiwan could be reborn as a new fatherland of overseas Chinese. Such a close relationship between Taiwan and overseas Chinese, who had have almost no connection to each other until 1950s, was a paradoxical outcome of the divided country's situation represented by “two China”. However, attention should be paid the fact that when viewed in light of the history of China-Asia relations, the abolition of dual nationality takes on a different meaning. The reason that the Qing Empire identified overseas Chinese as its citizens at first was based on its previous presence in Southeast Asian countries. The nationality law of “jus sanguinis” was the empire's final attempt to maintain its status as a great nation when it began to decline. If this is accepted, the abolition of overseas Chinese's dual nationality has a new significance in that there was a major modification to China's great-power diplomacy that had been taken over to both the Nationalists and Communists since the late Qing Empire. The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence agreed to by China and India was also a declaration guaranteeing that major and minor powers in the region would coexist with equal rights. When we look back on it, the Bandung Conference was the first conference where Southeast Asian countries met under equal conditions as sovereign nations within the modern international system. It was the first stage to reform the traditional relations between major and minor powers in Southeast Asia. One thing confirmed from the conference is that the Southeast Asia region's prototypical nationalism(nationalism from China), had been already converted into nationalism for or against China with the emergence of newly independent countries. The abolition of dual nationality was a gesture of friendship that the People's Republic of China made to remain a neighbor to Asian countries in the new international environment. Further, the effect of the action was to remove the legal system that had resulted from the colonial idea about Southeast Asia, in order to build 'neutral Asia'. Consequently, China's Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence and participation in the Bandung Conference in