淸州 龍華寺 石佛像群의 硏究

정지희(Jeong Ji-hee) 한국미술사학회 2003 美術史學硏究 Vol.- No.237·238

Yonghwa-sa temple(龍華寺) in Chungju (淸州) was built Kwang-moo (光武) 6th (1902) in Daehan empire (大韓帝國) and has been known as a old temple site at Late Shilla and Early Koryo (羅末麗初) dynasty from old times. There remain 7 buddhist stone statues and parts of pagoda and stairway that dated Koryo dynasty. And then some buddhist statues are remarkable because they are large in scale and excellent in sculpture. Besides metal relics with inscription Sanae-sa C'GI:I'~~) discovered nearby Yonghwa-sa temple in 1993 and relation between Sanae-sa and Buddhist stone statues at Yonghwa-sa temple was often mentioned. However an investigation or a study on these statues hasn't been done so far. Therefore, I tried to study on buddhist stone statues at Yonghwa-sa temple. I want to confirm significance of these statues in Koryo buddhist stone statues. First of all, I discussed the origin of Yonghwa-sa buddhist stone statues. Some people said these statues were trasfered from several temple sites neighbourhood. But the possibility of this opinion is very weak, since Record of Yonghwa-sa temple establishment (『龍華寺寺蹟』) and old temple site nearby Yonghwa-sa Temple. What is more. according to excavation of metal relics of Sanoe-sa Temple sites (寺惱寺址), I suggested the possibility that Yonghwa-sa buddhist stone statues are the Sanae-sa Temple's in origin. Secondly I researched the present situation and classified style of them. In regard of hair style and Usnisa (肉?), the central large stone statue of Buddha (中央大石佛立像) is very decorative and elaborate despite of large statue. Face styles are similliar, and eyetail is down-directed particularly. As the result, Buddhist statues of Yonghwa-sa temple are devided into 3 styles. The first style is large and elaborated including the central large stone statue of Buddha (中央大石立像). The second style is traditional style of Unified Shilla Dynasty such as the left and right standing stone statues of Buddha (左右石佛立像) and the small standing statue of Buddha (小石佛立像). The third style is more rigid style than previous two styles. The seated Buddist statue, the seated Buddhisatva, the lohan statue back to the left standing stone left standing statue are included in third style. However I think the date of Buddhist statues at Yonghwa-sa is almost same. Inferring that their common face expressions and the left standing Buddhist stone statue (左右佛立像) and the lohan statue which made at the same time. It is reasonable that Yonghwa-sa temple Buddhist stone statues were made nearly the same time. As above, I suppose Buddhist statues at Yonghwa-sa were made in late 10th century and early 11th century. Finally, I focused on the significance of Buddhist stone statues at Yonghwa-sa temple. Even though there remain many of old temple sites around Musimchun-river, little Buddhist statue exist there. According to that, these Buddhist statues at Yonghwa-sa temple are representative among Buddhist statues at Chungju. I suggested possibility that Buddhist statues at Yonghwa-sa temple were originally Sanoe-sa Temple statues in connection with metal relics of Sanoe-sa Temple sites. Moreover, they are very valuable. Because they have rare formality and the importance of iconography. - smooth and elegant dapery with wave shape of the left standing Buddhist stone statue, the existence of Vimalakirti (維摩居士) and so on. then because they attains various styles at once as well. Furthermore, in case of the central large stone statue of Buddha, it's sensitive and elaborate style which has been mainly discussed about Buddhist golden brass statues late Koryo dynasty. Therefore these statues will be very important data in study on Koryo Buddhist statues. So far studies on Buddhist statues of Koryo dynasty have been limited with narrow subject in spite of plenty of excellent relics remains. Therefore, I hope that this paper can be helpful to the further research about stone Buddhist statues in Koryo dynasty.

東(동)아시아 古代佛殿(고대불전)의 規模(규모)와 佛像(불상)의 相關性硏究(상관성연구)

한정호 ( Joung Ho Han ) 동아시아문물연구학술재단 2013 文物硏究 Vol.- No.24

불전은 불상을 봉안하기 위한 건축이기 때문에 불상의 규모와 형식은 불전내부의 공간설정의 전제조건이다. 이 논문은 불상의 규모가 고대 동아시아 불전내부의 공간설정에 어떠한 영향일 미쳤는지 고찰하였다. 먼저 불상의 크기와 관련된 경전과 고대 문헌자료를 검토한 결과 보편적으로 불전의 본존상으로 봉안되는 최소 규모의 불상은 등신불상이며, 재질에 따라 차이가 있지만 장육불상 규모 이상의 불상을 금당에 봉안할 경우 금당의 건축에 앞서 불상이 안치되는 사례가 많았음을 확인할 수 있었다. 그리고 등신불은 인체규모의 불상이라는 의미 보다는 특정 인물의 신체와 동일하게 조성된 불상이라는 의미가 강하다. 불상의 규모와 봉안되는 공간의 연관성을 파악하기 위해 석굴암을 분석한 결과 석굴암 주실의 공간설정은 본존상 크기에 맞춰 계획된 것으로 파악되었다. 석굴암 주실의 입면은 대좌를 기점으로 본존좌상의 높이의 2배로 설정되었으며,평면의 너비 또한 이에 저촉되지 않는 규모이다. 이는 인간의 주거공간이 최소한 사람이 일어설 수 있는 높이와 누울 수 있는 평면이 확보되어야 하는 것처럼불전 내부의 공간설정도 불상의 크기에 따라 동일한 전제조건이 적용되었던 것으로 해석하였다. 석굴암 분석을 통해 파악된 불상봉안 원칙이 동아시아 고대 불전에 보편적으로 적용되었을 가능성을 확인하기 위해 고대 불전의 내진부를 주목하였다. 불전의 내진부는 예불공간과 구별되는 순수 불상봉안을 위해 마련된 공간이다. 현존하는 동아시아 고대 불전 내진부의 평면과 본존상의 크기를 비교한 결과 불상높이의 2배 또는 대좌를 포함한 불신 높이가 내진부 측면 폭과 일치하는 경향을 보이며, 일치하지 않더라도 초과되지는 않는 것으로 파악되었다. 그리고 내진부입면의 높이는 본존이 좌상일 경우를 기준으로 불신 높이의 2배가 불전 종도리높이를 벗어나는 예는 확인되지 않았다. 이러한 원칙은 불신 높이가 16m에 달하는 일본 東大寺대불전에도 적용되는 것으로 확인되어 고대 불전건축의 전제조건으로 적용되었음을 뒷받침 해 준다. 이상의 고찰을 통해 파악된 고대 불전 내진부의 공간과 불상 규모와의 상관성은 고대인들의 불상에 대한 인식을 반영한 것으로 불상이 부처를 대체하는 조각품이 아니라 생명력을 갖는 神像으로서 그 신격을 유지하기위한 공간적 배려로 이해된다. A Buddhist temple is a structure to enshrine Buddhist statues, so the scale and form of the Buddhist statue are the preconditions to set up the space inside the Buddhist temple. This article considers how the scale of the Buddhist statue influences the establishment of the space inside an ancient Buddhist temple in East Asia. First of all, according to the result of examining the scriptures and ancient literatures about the size of Buddhist statues, generally the Buddhist statue with the smallest scale enshrined as the main statue of a Buddhist temple is Deungsinbul(等身佛). And it may differ by what material is used, but when the Buddhist statue bigger than the scale of Jangyuk(丈六) Buddhist statue is to be enshrined in main hall, in many of the cases, the Buddhist statue is enshrined before building main hall. And Deungsinbul has greater meaning as a Buddhist statue constructed identically as the body of a certain figure rather than its meaning as a Buddhist statue in the scale of the human body. In order to figure out the correlation between a Buddhist statue`s scale and the space where it is enshrined, the study analyzes Seokgulam(石窟 庵). According to the result, it has been found that the space of the main room in Seokgulam was planned and built correspondingly to the size of the main statue. The facade of the main room in Seokgulam was set up as being twice as high as the main seated statue with the pedestal as the starting point. The width of the plane does not violate it, either. As a human being`s residential space should secure the smallest height higher than a person`s height and the plane where a person can lie down, we can analyze that the internal space of the Buddhist temple is to be set up applying the same preconditions according to the size of the Buddhist statue. In order to verify the possibility that the principle of Buddhist statue enshrinement figured out by the analysis on Seokgulam may have been generally applied to ancient Buddhist temples in East Asia, the study focuses on the sacrarium part in ancient Buddhist temples. The sacrarium part of a Buddhist temple is the space built purely for Buddhist statue enshrinement, and it is distinguished from the space for Buddhist service. According to the result of comparing the plane of the sacrarium part in the existing ancient Buddhist temples of East Asia and the size of the main statue, twice of the Buddhist statue`s height or the Buddhist statue`s height including the pedestal tends to correspond to the width of the side of the sacrarium part, and even if it does not correspond, it never exceeds it. And about the height of the facade in the sacrarium part, when the main statue is a seated one, twice of the Buddhist statue`s height never deviates from the height of ridge beam of the Buddhist temple. Also, it has been found that this principle is also applied to the Buddhist temples in the era of T?dai-ji in Japan whose Buddhist statue`s height is up to 16 meters. This supports that it was applied as the precondition for building ancient Buddhist temples. The correlation between the space of the sacrarium part in ancient Buddhist temples and the scale of Buddhist statues which has been figured out through above consideration reflects ancient people`s consciousness of Buddhist statues. We can understand that the Buddhist statues were not mere sculptures replacing Buddha but demanded spatial consideration to maintain their divinity as a divine statue with life.

高麗 中·‧後期 慶北 北部地域의 願刹과 願佛의 造成

손영문 한국중세사학회 2013 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.35

There was a strong restriction in establishment and expansion of temple according to Emperor Taejo's Ten injunctions in the early Goryeo Dynasty. In the middle and latter period of Goryeo, on the other hand, not only royal family and central aristocrat but also regional leader built Buddhist temple for the wishes in all parts of the country with the purpose of public peace, King's good health and longevity,family's success, holding for a political force. Along with the temple,statue was enshrined, which is important factor from an art historian viewpoint. In the middle and latter period of Goryeo, the representative temples for the wishes managed by the regional leaders are the followings;Yongsusa Temple in Yean, Yongmunsa Temple in Yecheon, Sorimsa Temple in Sangju, Mimyeonsa Temple in Moonkyeong, Jikjisa Temple in Kimcheon, Bongjeongsa Temple in Andong, Daeseongsa Temple in Moonkyeong. Especially, disciples of the Monk Uichon expanded Yongsusa Temple and constructed Vairocana, as a main buddhist statue, and Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva, as a statue for the wishes, with the support of King Uijong(毅宗). After King Yijong passed away,Yongsusa Temple became the temple of praying for King Uijong's rebirth in paradise. In Sorimsa Temple which was expanded in the year of 1177 by Kim Youngui(金令義), Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva was enshrined wishing for King Myengjong(明宗)'s long life. In addition,Bongjeongsa Temple, King Taewui(太尉王)'s temple for the wish in the latter Goryeo Dynasty, was expanded and the Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva, constructed in the year of 1199, was covered with Gold by the support of King Gongmin. Also, it is possible to predict about the construction of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva statue at Yongmusa Temple through the historical record, such as reading Diamond Sutra by day and repeating the name of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva by night. Even though there are insufficient record in identifying both the purpose of construction and the type of Buddhist statue, Avalokitesvara belief and Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva statue are worthy of note based on the existing data. Therefore, this study tries to figure out the important issue on the Buddhist temple and statue for the wishes in northern Gyeongbuk province on the basis of the found Buddhist statues, relics enshrined inside of the statue, and the historical record. Especially from the confused political matters such as rebellion of Myocheong and military official, Avalokitesvara belief came into the spotlight from the viewpoint of “protection of country” and “relief from the reality”. This is clearly verified from not only various historical record but also Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva of Bogwangsa and Bongjeongsa Temple in Andong. From all accounts, it is certain that Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva of Bogwangsa Temple is Uijong's Buddhist statue enshrined between the year of 1165and 1187 and Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva of Bongjeongsa Temple is constructed as royal family's Buddhist statue. These two Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva statues show the popular stylistic characteristics of early Goryeo Dynasty such as cylindrical crown, high-rised protrusion, chubby face and expression of creases,which are also found in the seated stone Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva statues at Hansongsa Temple site and at Sinboksa Temple site. Also in a figurative way, they possess not only dignified and elegant appearance but also religious ideal character and secular beauty. The expression of face and the formation of clothes show the close affinity to the Buddhist statues constructed in Liao or Song dynasty between the 11th and the early 12th century. This corresponds with the active cultural exchange between Goryeo and them. Therefore, these Buddhist statues are highly significant in studying Buddhist sculpture of the 12th century in the Goryeo dynasty.

호류지(法隆寺) 헌납보물 아스카시대(飛鳥時代) 금동불상 재고 - 조형과 제작기법 측면에서의 상호관련성을 중심으로

이재신 불교미술사학회 2023 불교미술사학 Vol.35 No.-

Among the Gilt-bronze buddhist statues among the Hōryūji Treasures(法隆寺 獻納寶物), forty nine statues are from the Asuka(飛鳥) and Hakuhō(白鳳) periods. Twelve of the Gilt-bronze buddhist statues from the Asuka period are classified as Buddhist statues imported to Japan from Korea(渡來像); Tori-style statues(止利式像) similar to those produced by Tori(止利, ?-?), who is said to be Japan’s first busshi(佛師); and Non-Tori style statues(非止利式像) with different characteristics. They have been major subjects of interest in Korean and Japanese studies. The Korean academia mainly estimated the country of origin of Buddhist statues imported to Japan from Korea or paid attention to them in comparison with the Gilt-bronze buddhist statues in the Three Kingdoms. On the other hand, Japanese academics, who had been conducting research from the early ages, looked closely at the classification method of the Gilt-bronze buddhist statues among the Hōryūji Treasures and each statue’s formative and casting technique characteristics. However, through the differences and similarities of these three groups of statues classified as contemporary, there was little interest in how they were related or the meanings these statues had in the overall process of Buddhist statue production in 7th-century Japan. In this thesis, the study of the Gilt-bronze buddhist statues among the Hōryūji Treasures, which had not been introduced in detail in Korean studies before grasping it, was reviewed along with Korean academic research to synthesize the study results of both Korea and Japan. Afterward, the formative and casting technique characteristics of the Gilt-bronze buddhist statues of the Asuka period among the Hōryū-ji Treasures and Japan’s local and international conditions in the 7th century were examined, leading to the reconsideration of their significance in the context of Japanese Buddhist art history. Since early times, it has been known that the four Buddhist statues imported to Japan from Korea among the Hōryūji Treasures were formatively and technically different from Buddhist statues made in Japan in the 7th century. The body’s natural proportions, the Buddha statue’s clothing, and the thin shape of the Pensive bodhisattva were similar to those made in the Korean Peninsula in the 6th and 7th centuries. Technically, only some had hollow-casting types(中空式) or solid-casting types(通鑄式), and many air bubble holes can be found throughout the statue. In addition, the copper component was a copper-tin alloy with low lead content or pure copper. These characteristics were also similar to other Buddhist statues imported to Japan from Korea. In the case of the four Tori-style statues, the relatively short body proportions, the Buddha statue’s unnatural clothing, the rectangular face, the thick folds of the clothes, and the symmetrical shape were observed. Technically, the entire statue was hollow-casting type using a copper-tin alloy with a low tin content, and traces of removing the iron core were confirmed, and there were almost no air bubble holes throughout the statue. These characteristics were in common with the statues produced by Tori busshi or related to them. The four Non-Tori style statues were highly related to the Buddhist statues imported to Japan from Korea. In terms of formativeness, the body proportions and the Buddha statue’s clothing were natural, Pensive Bodhisattva’s body shape was slender, and an asymmetrical expression was observed. Technically, only some of them were made according to hollow or solid casting types, or there are many air bubble holes throughout the statues, and only copper-tin alloy with low tin content was not used. However, as an exception, in the case of <N-156 Pensive bodhisattva>, the characteristics of Tori-style statues were also confirmed to have traces of iron core removal or the use of a copper-tin alloy with low tin content. As such, ... 호류지 헌납보물에는 총 49점의 아스카시대(飛鳥時代) 및 하쿠호시대(白鳳時代) 금동불상이 있다. 그 중 아스카시대 금동불상 12점은 한반도에서 일본으로 전래된 도래상(渡來像), 일본 최초의 불사(佛師)라 칭해지는 도리(止利)가 제작한 불상과 양식이 유사한 도리식 상(止利式像) 그리고 이와는 다른 특징을 보이는 비도리식 상(非止利式像)으로 분류된다. 이들은 한국과 일본 학계의 주요한 관심대상이었다. 한국 학계에서는 주로 도래상의 제작국을 추정하거나 삼국시대 금동불상의 비교 대상으로 주목했다. 일찍부터 연구를 진행했던 일본 학계는 호류지 헌납보물 금동불상의 분류 방법이나 각 상의 조형적, 주조기법적 특징을 상세히 살폈다. 그러나 동시대로 분류되는 이 세 그룹의 상의 차이점과 공통점을 통해 이 상들이 어떠한 상호 연관성이 있는지 혹은 이 상들이 7세기 일본의 불상 제작 흐름 속에서 갖는 의미가 무엇인지에 대한 관심은 적었다. 본 논문에서는 이를 파악하기에 앞서 한국 학계에 상세히 소개되지 않았던 호류지 헌납보물 금동불상 연구를 한국 학계 연구와 함께 살펴보아 한일 양국의 연구 성과를 종합했다. 이후, 호류지 헌납보물 중 아스카시대 금동불상의 조형적, 주조기법적 특징과 7세기 일본의 국내외적 상황을 조명하여 일본 불교 미술사라는 맥락에서 그들의 의미를 재고해보았다. 호류지 헌납보물 중 도래상 4점은 일찍부터 7세기 일본에서 제작된 불상과는 조형적으로나 기법적으로 다르다는 점이 알려져 있었다. 자연스러운 신체 비례나여래상의 복제, 반가사유상에 보이는 가는 체형 등이 6-7세기 한반도에서 제작된 상과 유사했다. 기법적으로는 일부만 중공식으로 주조하거나 통주식으로 주조했으며, 상 전체적으로 기포 구멍이 많다. 또한 동의 성분은 납 함량이 적은 구리-주석 합금이거나 순동이다. 더욱이 이러한 특징은 일본에 현전하는 다른 도래상과도 유사하다. 도리식 상 4점의 경우, 조형적으로 짧은 신체 비례, 부자연스러운여래상의 복제, 장방형 얼굴, 두꺼운 선각의 옷 주름. 좌우대칭적인 형태 등이 확인된다. 기법적으로는 주석 함량이 적은 구리-주석 합금을 사용해 상 전체를 중공식으로 주조했으며, 철심을 제거한 흔적이 확인되고, 상 전반에 걸쳐 기포 구멍이 거의 없다. 이와 같은 특징은 도리불사가 제작했거나 그와 관련이 있는 상들과 상통한다. 비도리식 상 4점은 도래상과의 관련성이 많았다. 조형적으로는 신체 비례와 여래상의 복제가 자연스럽고, 반가사유상의 체형이 세장하며, 좌우대칭에서 벗어난 표현이 확인된다. 기법적으로는 일부만 중공식 혹은 통주식으로 제작하거나 상 전반에 걸쳐 기포 구멍이 많고, 주석 함량이 적은 구리-주석 합금만을 사용하지 않았다. 그러나 예외적으로 <제156호 상>의 경우, 철심을 제거한 흔적이나 주석 함량이 적은 구리-주석 합금을 사용했다는 점에서 도리식 상의 특징도 확인된다. 도래상과 도리식 상의 특징이 혼재된 비도리식 상은 7세기 중반 신라의 삼국통일과 일본 내에서 벌어졌던 을사의 변이라는 사회적 배경 속에서 탄생한 것으로 보인다. 을사의 변을 계기로 도리불사의 후원자였던 소가씨(蘇我氏)가 멸망하자 도리 양식이라고 지칭할 수 있는 상들이 제작되지 않았기 때문이다. 또한 삼국통일로 인해 고구려와 백제에서 많은 유민들이 일본으로 건너갔다. 도리 양식의 불상이 유통되지 않 ...

조각승(彫刻僧) 하천(夏天)의 불상조각(佛像彫刻) 연구(硏究)

오진희 ( Jin Hee Oh ) 한국불교미술사학회(구 한국미술사연구소) 2010 강좌미술사 Vol.34 No.-

하천은 18세기 전반에 활약한 조각승으로 현재까지 발견된 예로는 1703년 색난의 보조화승으로 불상조성활동을 시작하여 1726년 고흥 금탑사 북대암(현 서울 지장암 대웅전 관음보살상)과 문수암 관음보살상(현 송광암 극락전 좌 보살좌상), 1727년 대구 동화사 대웅전 삼세불좌상, 1730년 창녕 관룡사 삼존불좌상(현 창녕 포교원 석가불좌상)을 수화승으로 조성하였다. 그러므로 그는 전라도에서 활동하면서 경상도 지역까지 활동 영역을 넓혀 조상활동을 활발히 하였다고 생각된다. 또한 그는 현재까지 밝혀진 문헌기록으로는 화엄사 각황전 칠존불상(1703년), 하동 쌍계사 보현동자상(1705년), 능가사 대웅전 석가불좌상(1707년), 고흥 금탑사 대세지 보살좌상(1709년)을 색난의 보조화승으로 제작하였다. 색난은 잘 알려져 있다시피 17세기 후반-18세기 초 가장 많은 기년명 불상을 남기고 있으며 색난 일파는 전라도를 중심으로 경상도 지역까지 화단을 형성하고 있는 가장 영향력 있는 조각승으로 추정된다. 불상 양식에서도 건장하고 당당하게 보이는 신체뿐만 아니라 착의법, 옷주름 등에서 색난작 1693년 구례 천은사 응진전 석가불좌상, 1694년 화순 쌍봉사 석가불좌상, 1701년 해남 대흥사 응진전 석가불좌상과 거의 유사하게 표현되어 색난 불상의 양식을 계승하고 있는 것을 알 수 있다. 또한 색난파 조각승들 중 색난의 불상 양식을 가장 잘 따르고 있어 색난 유파를 단적으로 보여주고 있다. 그러나 하천이 조성한 불상은 두부를 크게 조성하여 장대함을 보여주고 있으며 어깨도 넓고 건장하게 표현하고 있다. 이러한 표현은 색난의 작품과 유사하지만 하천이 두부를 더 크게 조성하였으며, 도식화된 주름선과 밋밋한 단판 연화형 승각기 상단 주름 등 세부 표현에서 색난과 약간의 차이가 있다. 또한 하천과 함께 불상 조성활동을 한 화승들과의 관계를 살펴본 결과 하천과 함께 두 작품 이상 불상 조성 활동을 한 종혜와 득열을 제외하고는 한 두 작품에 한정되어 나타나고 있어서 사자상승하는 도제식의 조각승 집단이지만 불사가 있을 때마다 몇 촌간의 가까운 유파의 보조각승을 모아 작업을 하였을 것으로 판단된다. 또한 하천과 함께 1730년 금탑사 극락보전 아미타삼존을 개금 하였던 덕희와 1727년 대구 동화사 삼세불상을 조성한 석준은 색난파 조각승으로 하천과는 선배 또는 동료로 추정되는데 이들은 보조 조각승이라기 보다는 불상 제작을 함께 주도하였을 것으로 생각된다. Hacheon is a monk sculptor who worked in the early 18th century. According to findings so far, he starred his career of Buddhist statue creation as an assistant of Saeknan in 1703, and participated as the leading sculptor in the erection of Bukdae-am at the Geumtap-sa Temple in Goheung (the current Avalokitesvara Buddhist Statue in Daewoongjeon at Jijang-am in Seoul), the Avalokitesvara Buddhist Statue at Munsu-am (the current Seated Bodhisattva Statue on the left side in Geukrakjeon at Songgwang-am) in 1726, the Seated Three World Buddhas Statue in Daewoongjeon at the Donghwa-sa Temple in Daegu in 1727, and the Seated Trikaya Statue at the Gwanryong-sa Temple in Changnyeong (the current Seated Shakyamuni Buddha State at Pogyowon in Changnyeong) in 1730. Therefore, he is believed to have worked mainly in Jollanam-do but expanded his activities to the Gyeongsang-do region. According to records available today, moreover, he worked as an assistant of Saeknan in creating the Seven Saints Statue in Gakhwangjeon at the Hwaeom-sa Temple (1703), the Bohyeon Dongja Statue at the Ssanggye-sa Temple in Hadong (1705), the Seated Shakyamuni Buddha Statue in Daewoongjeon at the Neungga-sa Temple in Goheung (1707), and the Seated Mahasthamaprapta Statue at the Geumtap-sa Temple in Goheung (1709). As known widely, Saeknan left the largest number of date-inscribed Buddhist statues in the late 17th century and the early 18th century, and is believed to have led the most influential group of monk sculptors that extended its influence from Jolla-do to the Gyeongsang-do region. The style of Hacheon`s Buddhist statues is also quite similar to that of Saeknan`s works in terms of sturdy and majestic physique, dress, fold, etc., and this shows that he inherited the style of Saeknan`s Buddhist statues. Furthermore, among the monk sculptors of Saeknan`s group, Hacheon followed Saeknan`s style most closely and represented the group`s style clearly. However, Buddhist statues created by Hacheon look majestic as they have a large head and their shoulders are expressed to be broad and sturdy. These characteristics are observed in Saeknan`s works as well, but Hacheon made the head larger and his works are slightly different from Saeknan`s in detailed expressions such as schematic fold lines, and smooth wrinkles on the upper side of single-plate lotus-type Samkaksika. Moreover, when we examined his relations with other monk sculptors with whom he worked together for creating Buddhist statues, only Jonghye and Deukyeol created more than two statues together with Hacheon, and other sculptors made only one or two with him. This suggests that although the monk sculptor group adopted the apprentice system that transmitted techniques through teacher-disciple relationship they might have formed a team of assistant monk sculptors from close schools whenever there was a Buddhist project. In addition, among monk sculptors working together with Hacheon, Deokhee who did gold mending for the Amitabha Triad Statue in Geukrakbojeon at the Geumtap-sa Temple in 1730, and Seokjoon who created the Three World Buddhas Statue at the Donghwa-sa Temple in Daegu in 1727 are believed to be Hacheon`s superior or colleague. They might have worked not as assistant sculptors but as co-workers who led the projects together.

忠南 燕岐地域 蠟石製 佛像群 硏究

박영민 동악미술사학회 2010 東岳美術史學 Vol.0 No.11

본 연구는 1960년대 초반 충남 연기군 비암사, 서광암, 연화사와 그 인근의 공주 정안면 등지에서 발견 된 총 7구의 납석제불상을 대상으로 한다. 이 불상들은 재질 뿐 아니라 도상, 양식, 조각기법 등에 공통성을 지니고 있어 동일한 제작집단에 의하여 만들어진 것으로 파악할 수 있다. 또한 이 중 네 구에 干支名, 尊像名, 人名등을 포함한 銘文이 남아 있다. 이 불상군은 통일신라 직후인 673년에서 689년 무렵에 제작된 백제계 상으로써, 7세기와 8세기의 경계선상에서 그 과도기적 성격을 드러내고 있다. 본고에서는 이들 7개의 불상을‘燕岐佛像郡’이라 총칭하고, 선행연구를 토대로 형상적 특징을 통한 명칭 재고 및 도상과 양식의 재고찰을 통하여, 계승과 수용이라는 양면성을 지닌 이 불상군의 성격을 규명해보고자 하였다. 먼저 본고에서는 연기불상군의 형태적 특징의 분석을 통하여 현재 그 명칭이 혼용되고 있는 7구의 상을 형태분류하고, 각 상의 명칭에 대한 再考를 제안하였다. 중국, 일본, 한국에서 현재 사용하고 있는‘碑像’이라는 용어를 정의하고, 그 형태적 특징을 각 상에 대입시켜 분석한 결과, 연기불상군의 7개 상 중 비상의 범주에 속하는 것은〈계유명전씨 아미타구존불비상〉을 비롯한 4개의 상이며, 나머지 3개의 상은 비상의 범주에 포함되지 않는 것으로 분류할 수 있다. 연기불상군은 도상·양식적 특징에 있어 7세기 말의 시대적 특수성을 반영하고 있다. 우선 도상적 특징에서 가장 주목되는 것은 아미타정토의 형상화를 비롯한 다양한 도상이 표현되어 있다는 점이다. 아미 타정도의 표현은 7세기에서 8세기 초반 중국, 일본, 한국에서 모두 유행하던 것으로, 연기불상군에 표현된 도상은 당시의 도상적 유행을 충실히 반영하고 있다. 또한 양식적으로는 백제의 고양식을 토대로 새롭게 받아들여지고 있던 당 양식의 영향이 간취된다. 673년에 제작된〈계유명전씨 아미타구존불비상〉과 〈계유명 삼존천불비상〉은 연기불상군의 도상·양식적 모본이 되고 있는데, 그 이후에 제작된 상들은 기본적 형식을 토대로 당 양식을 점차 반영하여 통일신라 양식으로 이행하는 과정을 보여주고 있다. 이는 연기불상군이 백제의 古樣式이라는 기본 틀을 채택함으로써‘백제’적 정체성을 드러내고 있지만 시대적 흐름에도 민감하게 반응하고 있었다는 것을 보여준다. 특히 연기불상군의 특징은‘達率’등의 백제 최고위 관등명과 백제의 유력성씨명이 포함된 명문 내용에 있다. 이 백제계 제작집단이 이 상을 통하여 백제 고양식의 재현을 의도했을 가능성을 보여준다. 이와 함께 중국 6세기 산동성 양식의 영향을 받은 납석제 조각이 백제에서 빈번히 제작되었다는 점 또한 연기불상군의 양식적 특수성에 영향을 미쳤다고 생각된다. 결론적으로 연기불상군은 백제의 마지막 조상으로써, 그리고 통일기 백제양식을 계승한 첫 번째 작품으로서 정치·사회·사상적 과도기였던 7세기말~8세기 초반의 양식적 터닝포인트를 제시하고 있는 작품이다. This study focuses on dealing with total 7 Buddhist statues made from agalmatolite, which were all found in Biam Temple, Seogwang-am and Yeonhwa Temple located in Yeongi county, Chungnam province as well as neighboring areas (including Jeongan-myeon) in the first half of 1960’s. These Buddhist statues have something in common with one another in many aspects including material, composition, mode and sculptural techniques, so it is estimated that they had been made by a same group of sculptors. Moreover, 4 pieces of these 7 Buddhist statues still keep epitaphs including sexagenary name, Buddhist sacred image’s title and personal name. Historically, it is estimated that the 4 Buddhist statues were such works in the style of Baekjae as made possibly from AD 673 to 689 immediately after the foundation of Unified Silla Dynasty. They reveal a nature of transitional period between 7th and 8th century. In general term, this study called these 7 Buddhist statues as ‘a collection of Yeongi Buddhist statues’and also referred to preceding studies to review statue designations based on shape characteristics and reexamine composition and mode of statues, so that it sought to examine the nature of these Buddhist statue collection implying both sides, i.e. succession and assimilation. First, this study sought to analyze morphologic characteristics found in the collection of Yeongi Buddhist statues, so that it could categorize the 7 statues with mingled designations among one another by their shapes and propose re-considering designation of each Buddhist statue. And it sought to define ‘Bisang / Bei Xiang / Hizo (碑像: Buddhist stele)’in Korean / Chinese / Japanese language and analyze morphologic characteristics of Bisang reflected on each statue image. As a result, it was found that 4 of 7 Buddhist statues (including ‘Gyeyumyeong Jeonssi Amita Guzonbulbisang’) fall under the category of stele, while remaining 3 statues don’t fall under the category of stele. The collection of Yeongi Buddhist statues reflects historical settings of the late 7th century in Korea from perspectives of composition and mode characteristics. In the aspect of composition, it is most noteworthy that they are expressions of various compositions including artistic embodiment of Amitabha’s Pure Land. Such expressions of Amitabha’s Pure Land were widely popularized across Northeast Asia (China, Korea and Japan) from 7th century to the early half of 8th century. The compositions expressed in the collection of Yeongi Buddhist statues are full reflections of contemporary compositional trends during the period. Also, they reveal cultural influence of Chinese Tang Dynasty’s sculptural modes as newly embraced on the basis of ancient Baekjae’s styles. In particular, ‘Gyeyumyeong Jeonssi Amita Guzonbulbisang (AD 673)’and ‘Gyeyumyeong Cheonbulbisang (AD 673)’become a model of composition and mode for the collection of Yeongi Buddhist statues. Follow-up statues sculpted came to gradually assimilate contemporary modes of Tang Dynasty on the basis of their ancestral models on the way to emerging fashions of Unified Silla Dynasty. This change implies that the collection of Yeongi Buddhist statues revealed original identity of ‘Baekjae’on the adopted framework of ancient Baekjae’s mode, but responded sensitively to their contemporary cultural mainstreams. Notably, the collection of Yeongi Buddhist statues shows that their inscriptions of Baekjae Dynasty’ s top official rank ( ‘Dalsol’) and influential people’s name suggest a possibility that this group of sculptural workers who were former subjects of Baekjae Dynasty might have intentions to revive the ancient Baekjae’s styles through these statues. And it is estimated that the fact that agalmatolite statutes - as a sign of influences from the mode of Chinese Shantung in the 6th century - were frequently sculpted during the period of Baekjae Dynasty could have influences on modal specialty found in collection of Yeongi Buddhist statues. Summing up, it is concluded that the collection of Yeongi Buddhist statues was the first artworks based on ancient Baekjae styles inherited by the last people of Baekjae Dynasty during the period of Unified Silla, and suggest a modal turning point from the late 7th century to early 8th century - as a period of sociopolitical and ideological transition in ancient Korean peninsula.

中國 中世期 불상의 複製와 流通 - 4세기에서 7세기 중엽까지를 중심으로 -

소현숙 동악미술사학회 2020 東岳美術史學 Vol.0 No.28

본 연구는 4세기-7세기 중엽까지 이루어진 ‘불상의 複製’를 통해 중국 중세 불교문화의 양상을 살펴보고자 한 것이다. 기록과 실물자료 등을 통해 어떤 상이 복제되었으며, 그리고 왜 복제되었는지를 분석하고, 나아가 누가 복제를 주도했는지 고찰하였다. 불상 복제의 가장 큰 動因은 불상이 가진 正統性이었다. 정통성의 연원은 인도에서 유래했다는 전승, 기적과 영이의 서사였다. 그리하여 전래상으로서 많은 기적을 일으켰던 아육왕상계 불상과 출현과정이 신이했던 중국상들이 주로 복제되었다. 6세기 후반에 이르면 복제의 양상이 변화한다. ‘부처의 모습을 그대로 재현한 진용상’들이 새롭게 등장했다. 그리고 뛰어난 그림에 ‘感神通靈’의 능력이 있다는 인식을 반영해 張僧繇 같은 유명화가가 그린 불상이 전 계층에 걸쳐 널리 복제되었다. 복제상의 유통은 불교신앙의 확장을 의미한다. 그러므로 불교의 확장을 목표로 하는 승려들이 불상의 복제를 주도했다. 여기에 유력한 재가신자들 역시 原像이 가지는 영험을 공유하기 위해 불상의 복제에 나섰다. 그러나 두 계층에 의한 불상의 복제와 복제상의 유포는 일부 지역에 한정되었다. 隋 煬帝에 의한 복제상의 전국적인 유포는 이런 한계를 깨뜨렸다. 복제상의 전국적인 유포는 ‘황제권력에 의한 표준상의 정립’이라는 점에서, 과거와 다른 새로운 불교문화의 전개를 예고하는 것이었다. This paper explores the aspects of Buddhist culture in Medieval China through the reproduction of Buddhist statues, which took place between the 4th and mid 7th centuries. Based on the analysis of the records and the existing Buddhist statues, I examined which Buddhist statues were reproduced, why they were reproduced, and who led the reproduction and its circulation. The most important factor in the reproduction of Buddhist statues was the legitimacy of the statues. The statues that were handed down in India, or that caused miracles, were believed to have legitimacy. Thus, the Asokan statues, which were known to have originated in India, and the statues made in China, which showed many miracles, were mainly reproduced. By the second half of the sixth century, the pattern of reproduction of Buddhist statues had changed. The statue as “true visage” which represent the image of Buddha appeared. And Buddha statues painted by famous artists were widely copied, reflecting the perception that outstanding paintings have the power to call miracles. The distribution of cloned Buddhist statues means the expansion of Buddhist faith. Thus, monks led the reproduction of the Buddhist statues. The powerful believers also began to cloning Buddhist statues to share its superpowers. In general, however, the duplicates created by the two classes were distributed only in some areas. The distribution of the Buddhist statues by the Emperor Yang of the Sui Dynasty(隋煬帝) broke this limit. The nationwide spread of the cloned Buddhist statues was a sign of the development of a new Buddhist culture different from the past in that it was the establishment of a standard Buddhist statue by the emperor.

불교미술과 물질문화 : 물질성, 신성성, 의례

주경미 미술사와 시각문화학회 2008 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.7 No.-

In this article, I examine the materiality of Buddhist relics and statues to explore the ways in which the methodology of material culture studies can beused for the future of Buddhist art history. Western art historians in the late 70's actively used scholarship in material culture studies in examining therelationship between man-made objects and culture. Although Buddhism respects the rules for abstinence, self-discipline, and asceticism in general, thedisplay of beautifully adorned religious objects or the lavish decoration of the shrine is allowed. The rules recorded in Buddhist texts such as theAvatamsaka Sutra or the Lotus Sutra dot not prevent Buddhists from making precious, highly decorative Buddhist objects that are worshiped as sacred things.Thus the spirituality of Buddhist objects is not in conflict with the materiality. Buddhist relics and statues are two of the most venerated objects in theBuddhist community since they are believed to have the same essence as the historical Buddha Shakyamuni or a Buddhist saint. Buddhist relics such as Buddha's bones and teeth are so much worshipped that many opulent reliquaries and votive objects were made. The Buddhist statue is only a man-made object, but itis always venerated as a sacred, devotional object by Buddhist monks and laymen. These precious objects, however, could appear only as curious materialobjects in the eyes of a non-Buddhist. How can they be worshiped as sacred objects by Buddhists? What enables it is the sanctity of these material objectsendowed by Buddhist culture and society. Sometimes the material object has the sanctity by nature, but sometimes acquires the sanctity only through thepractice of a special ritual. The Buddhist statue as a man-made object needs to gain the sanctity through the ritual practice such as the eye openingceremony or the enshrinement ritual of sariras or of Dharani texts. In consecrating those material objects, special rituals are performed by the Buddhistcommunities in order to bestow sanctity. Sometimes the holy objects by nature also need a special ritual such as an exhibition or a procession in order torestore its sanctity. Those material objects of religious art have to be consecrated by the rituals and then they are immediately turned into sacred thingsfor the veneration of the religious communities. They can obtain and sustain the sanctity through the ritual. Here, materiality, sanctity, and ritualscombine to constitute the essence of Buddhist art and they are of great importance in understanding the material dimensions of Buddhist art.

腹藏儀式의 作法節次에 관한 연구

한정미 동아시아불교문화학회 2019 동아시아불교문화 Vol.0 No.40

This paper is a study on the Buddhist ceremonial procedure(作法節次) of Bokjang(腹藏) ritual which can be classified into the main ritual and the sub-ritual, prior to the main ritual. The sub-ritual, consisted of Saengbansamboon(生飯三分), purifying ceremony[淨化儀式], Samhwasangcheong(三和尙請), ceremony to the Buddhist gods[神衆作法], calling 37 Buddhas for verification[證明唱佛], is to complete the formality for the main ritual to be carried out properly based on the dharma. The main ritual, carried out in the order of preceptor(ācārya) purifying ceremony[阿闍梨淨化儀式], unifying ceremony[加持儀式:praying for unification with the Buddha], abiding ceremony[安立儀式], offering ceremony[供養儀式], ceremony designating the statue of Buddha as a sanctuary[佛像結界儀式], enshrining ceremony[奉安儀式], is to unify the Bokjang objects with the Buddha and to enshrine them in the statue of Buddha. The importance of the role and performance of the preceptor(阿闍梨, ācārya) is emphasized in the Bokjang ritual, since the preceptor contemplation[觀想法] and making mudrā with the fingers[結印法] seen in the Esoteric Buddhist books are contained in detail. Furthermore, most of the objects are unified[加持], put to the five Buddhas of Vajradhātu-mandala[金剛界曼茶羅五佛] and five paramita Bodhisattvas[五波羅蜜菩薩], but the five treasure bottles and the five color strings are put to the five Buddhas of Taejang-mandala[胎藏曼茶羅五佛] and unified. The five treasure bottles is a primary place to store the unified objects, and the five color strings seal the huryeongtong(喉鈴筒). This has the symbolic meaning that Taejang(胎藏), the essence, and Vajradhātu(金剛界), the practice system, are one. n addition, designating the sanctuary and purifying ceremony are done repeatedly. First, the place of the ritual and the participants are purified during the saengbansamboon. Second, the participants and the bokjang objects are purified during the purifying ceremony. Third, the place is designated as a sanctuary during the ceremony to the Buddhist gods. Forth, the preceptor, the ritual masters of the five directions(五方法師), and a dharma master of mantra chanting(誦呪法師) are purified during the preceptor purifying ceremony. Fifth, the bokjang altar is designated as a sanctuary and the bokjang objects are unified with the Buddha during the unifying ceremony. Sixth, the statue of Buddha is designated as a sanctuary for the last. Thus, by repeating the sanctuary designation and purification ceremonies, the preceptor, monks and masters, and other participants, the place of the ritual, the bokjang altar, the bokjang objects, and the statue of Buddha are all perfectly purified and then the seed of the Buddha[佛種子] is abided in the statue. 본 논문은 복장의식의 작법절차에 관한 고찰로, 복장의식은 전의식과 본 의식으로 구분할 수 있다. 전의식은 본의식이 여법히 수행될 수 있도록 격을 갖추는 의식으로 생반삼분, 정화의식, 삼화상청, 신중작법, 증명창불 등으로 구성되며, 본 의식은 복장물목을 가지하여 불상에 봉안하는 것으로 아사리 정화의식, 가지의식, 안립의식, 공양의식, 불상결계의식, 봉안의식 순으로 거행된다. 복장의식은 밀교의궤에서 볼 수 있는 아사리관상법과 결인법이 상세히 수록되어 있어, 아사리의 역할과 기능의 중요성이 강조된다. 더불어 대부분의 물목들에 금강계만다라 오불과 오바라밀보살을 배대하여 가지하나, 오보병과 오색사는 태장만다라 오불을 배대하여 가지한다. 오보병의 역할은 가지된 물목을 1차적으로 안립 하는 장소이며, 오색사는 후령통을 봉인하는 역할을 한다. 이는 본체인 태장과 수행체계인 금강계가 하나라는 상징적 의미를 갖는다. 또한 결계와 정화의식을 여러 번 행한다. 첫 번째는 생반삼분 시 도량과 동참자를 결계하고, 두 번째 정화의식 시 동참제자와 복장물목을 결계 정화하며, 세 번째 신중작법 시 도량결계를 하고, 네 번째 아사리 정화의식 시 아사리와 오방법사, 송주법사가 정화하며, 다섯 번째 가지의식 시 복장단 결계와 각종 물목을 가지하고, 여섯 번째 불상결계의식 시 불상결계를 한다. 이와 같이 결계와 가지를 재차 삼차 행함으로써 의식을 집전하는 아사리와 법사, 동참제자, 도량과 복장단, 복장물목, 불상 모두 완벽하게 정화한 후 불상에 불종자를 안립 한다.

中國 山西省의 小形佛敎石窟에 관한 硏究 -羊頭山의 북조 석굴군을 중심으로-

서남영 불교미술사학회 2019 불교미술사학 Vol.27 No.-

본고에서는 山西의 小形佛敎石窟에 관한 연구의 일환으로, 그 중 보존상태가 비교적 양호한 羊頭山石窟을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 羊頭山石窟은 현재 총 9굴이 확인되는데, 북조시기에 조성된 예는 제3~8굴이며, 석굴의 규모나 불상의 구성 등에서 주요 석굴은 제3굴과 제5굴로 판단된다. 본고에서는 먼저 羊頭山石窟의 현황을 살펴보고, 主室, 如來像, 力士像의 양식과 형식적 특성을 山西지역 불교조상 및 北朝 도상과의 비교를 통해 살펴보았다. 그 결과 羊頭山石窟의 제3굴의 주실 입구 좌우에 배치된 여래입상과 제5굴의 이불병좌상감은 北魏가 和平年間(460년경) 大同에 曇曜五窟을 개착한 이래로 北魏 불교의 융성기인 太和中期 무렵에 제작된 것으로 추정되었다. 특히 불보살의 착의법이나 불감의 구성 등에서 北魏 전반기 雲岡石窟의 영향이 농후한 것으로 판단된다. 그리고 羊頭山石窟 중 장방형 主室의 형식, 三尊像의 구성, 여래상의 漢化式 착의법은, 北魏후기의 雲岡의 3기 석굴 및 龍門, 鞏縣石窟 등의 조상과도 공통점이 확인되기 때문에 북위의 낙양천도 이후의 漢化政策이 불교조상에 반영된 결과라고 할 수 있다. 한편 羊頭山石窟에는 제3, 6굴을 제외한 북조석굴에서 역사상을 주실 좌우에 쌍으로 배치하고, 역동성과 사실적인 근육 표현이 강조되어 있다. 이러한 역사상이 北魏후기의 龍門石窟 등 6세기 중반부터 낙양과 그 인근 지역에서 확인되는 점에서 羊頭山石窟도 이러한 새로운 역사상의 영향 하에서 성립된 것으로 추정했으며, 일부 좌우가 양식적인 차이를 보이는 것은 북조시대 역사상의 과도기적인 전개 양상을 보여주는 것으로 해석했다. 본고에서는 羊頭山石窟의 역사상에서 확인되는 이러한 변화를 北魏의 洛陽遷都로 인한 龍門石窟 및 洛陽 인근 석굴의 조상 양식을 적극적으로 수용했기 때문으로 추정했다. 산서의 최남단에 위치하는 高平은 북위 孝文帝 시기에 淸化寺가 건립되는 등 일찍이 명승이 모여든 불교 성지로서, 북조만기와 수대에는 저명한 고승인 慧遠이 머물며 수행하던 곳으로 불교가 상당히 융성했던 곳이었다. 또한 高平의 역사 지리적인 특성 및 北朝시대 山西지방의 교통로의 검토를 통해, 羊頭山石窟이 위치한 高平이 北魏 시기에 발달한 大同과 洛陽을 연결하는 山西의 남북 간선로상의 주요 요충지였던 점에서, 北魏 太和年間 이래로 北齊 시기의 新양식을 수용하기보다는 北魏 양식을 고수하는 한편 炎帝 神農氏와 같은 지역 특유의 토속적인 민간문화와 결부되면서, ‘고평인근 특유의 지방 양식’으로 발전했을 것으로 추정했다. 羊頭山 북조석굴에서 확인되는 이러한 지방색은 석굴 내에 남아있는 공양자가 황제나 귀족이 아니라 고평 인근에서 활동한 민간의 신도단체였다는 점에서도 재차 확인할 수 있었다. 이와 같이 羊頭山石窟을 통해 북위가 太和18年에 단행한 洛陽遷都라는 역사적인 사건과, 북위불상의 漢化가 이루어지는 현상을, 산서의 교통로를 매개체로 하여 구체적으로 확인할 수 있다는 점에서 본 석굴의 의의를 찾을 수 있다고 생각한다. As a part of the study on the small Buddhist caves of Shanxi, this paper focuses on the Yangtoushan Caves, which are relatively well preserved. A total number of nine Yangtoushan Caves are currently confirmed. The third through the eighth caves are examples of caves built during the age of the Northern Dynasties. The main caves are considered to be the third and the fifth Caves. In this paper, I first examined the current status of Yangtoushan Caves, and then examined the style and formal characteristics of the main room, the Buddha statue, and the Guardian King statues by comparing with the Shanxi Buddhist statues and the Northern Dynasties. As a result, the Standing Buddha placed on both sides of the entrance of the third cave (in the Yangtoushan Caves) and the Seated Sakyamuni and Prabhutaratna of the fifth cave are presumed to have been made around the middle of the Taihe period (the flourishing period of Northern Wei Buddhism), after the Northern Wei built tanyaowuku in Datong around 460 A.D. It is considered that the influences of Yungang Caves in the first half of the Northern Wei are especially rich in the dress code and the composition of the niche for Buddhist image. In addition, the type of the rectangular chamber in the main room, the composition of the Buddha statue triads, and the dress code of the Chinese style are similar to those of the third period cave of Yungang Caves in the late Northern Wei period, and the statues of the Longmen and Gongxian Caves, It can be said that the Chinese style policy after Luoyang capital was reflected in Buddhist statues. On the other hand, the Yangtoushan Caves are arranged in pairs on the both sides of the Guardian King statues, except for the 3rd and the 6th caves, which emphasize dynamic and realistic muscle expression. The Guardian King statues were confirmed in Luoyang and its neighboring areas since the middle of the 6th century, including the Longmen Caves of the latter days of the Northern Wei, and it was presumed that the Yangtoushan Caves were formed under this new Guardian King statues influence. But also as a demonstration of the transitional development in the Northern Dynasties Guardian King statues. In this paper, it is presumed that this change confirmed in the Guardian King statues of the Yangtoushan Caves positively accommodates the ancestral form of the Longmen Caves and Luoyang caves due to the Luoyang capital of Northern Wei. Located in the southernmost end of Shanxi, the Buddhist sanctuary is where the Qinghua temple of Confucius was erected at the time of the Northern Wei period. It was the place where Huiyuan, a prominent Buddhist priest, stayed and performed Buddhism. In addition, since the historical geographical characteristics of Gaoping and democratization period were examined and the traffic roads of Shanxi province was examined, it was a key point on the north and south highway of Shanxi connecting Datong and Luoyang, Since the year, it has maintained the North style culture rather than accepting the new culture of the north-western period, and it has been associated with the local indigenous cultures and assumed to have evolved into a "certain local style to the Gaoping." This local color, which is found in the Northern Dynasties Caves of Yangtoushan Caves, again confirmed that it was not the emperor or the nobleman who remained in the cave but a private shrine that was active in the vicinity of the Gaoping. In this way, it can be seen from the fact that the historical events of transferring the capital to Luoyang Taihe 18(A.D. 494) the Northern Wei through the Yangtoushan Caves, and the phenomenon of the Chineseization of the northern Buddhist statues, I think I can find the meaning of the caves.