Who Consumes Political News through YouTube?: An Application of the OMA Framework to YouTube Use in South Korea

JeongHun Han(JeongHun Han) 한국학술연구원 2022 Korea Observer Vol.53 No.4

This study analyzes how individual motivations including political interest and media trust and cognitive abilities affect news consumption through YouTube in a high choice media environment of South Korea. In the empirical analysis, we use a nationally representative dataset differentiating respondents in tree types of users concerning YouTube - namely, non-users, non-news consumers, and news consumers. Applying a binary response model with sample selection, we resolve a potential selectin bias and prove that political interest is the strongest motivation leading individuals to consume news through YouTube. In addition, the positive impact of political interest is shown to increases as individuals trust less traditional news media. However, we do not find any evidence that news consumption through YouTube is biased toward a specific party or ideological orientation.

Rapid emergence and mechanisms of resistance by U87 glioblastoma cells to doxorubicin in an in vitro tumor microfluidic ecology

Han, Jeonghun,Jun, Yukyung,Kim, So Hyun,Hoang, Hong-Hoa,Jung, Yeonjoo,Kim, Suyeon,Kim, Jaesang,Austin, Robert H.,Lee, Sanghyuk,Park, Sungsu National Academy of Sciences 2016 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES OF Vol.113 No.50

<P>In vitro prediction of the probable rapid emergence of resistance to a drug in tumors could act to winnow out potential candidates for further costly development. We have developed a microfluidic device consisting of similar to 500 hexagonal microcompartments that provides a complex ecology with wide ranges of drug and nutrient gradients and local populations. This ecology of a fragmented metapopulation induced the drug resistance in stage IV U87 glioblastoma cells to doxorubicin in 7 d. Exome and transcriptome sequencing of the resistant cells identified mutations and differentially expressed genes. Gene ontology and pathway analyses of the genes identified showed that they were functionally relevant to the established mechanisms of doxorubicin action. Specifically, we identified (i) a frame-shift insertion in the filamin-A gene, which regulates the influx and efflux of topoisomerase II poisons; (ii) the overexpression of aldo-keto reductase enzymes, which convert doxorubicin into doxorubicinol; and (iii) activation of NF-kappa B via alterations in the nucleotide-binding oligomerization domain (NOD)-like receptor signaling pathway from mutations in three genes (CARD6, NSD1, and NLRP13) and the overexpression of inflammatory cytokines. Functional experiments support the in silico analyses and, together, demonstrate the effects of these genetic changes. Our findings suggest that, given the rapid evolution of resistance and the focused response, this technology could act as a rapid screening modality for genetic aberrations leading to resistance to chemotherapy as well as counter selection of drugs unlikely to be successful ultimately.</P>

Responding to Public

Han JeongHun 한국국제정치학회 2007 國際政治論叢 Vol.47 No.5

Bureaucratic and Legislative Characteristics in the Representation of the International Marriage Migrant Women in Korea

Han Jeonghun(한정훈) 21세기정치학회 2013 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.23 No.1

This article examines the bureaucratic and legislative characteristics in the representation of the International Marriage Migrant Women (IMMW) in Korea. Three theoretical hypotheses are developed from the consideration of institutional effectiveness, political parties' issue ownership and legislative bureaucratic collaboration. Empirical Results show first that the fragmentation and overlaps of bureaucratic authorities over the issues of the IMMW tends to limit the effectiveness of policy implementation. Second, IMMW issues are not owned by the members of a specific political party. Finally, the representation of the IMMW in Korea is more likely to be led by the bureaucratic agencies located at the lower level of bureaucratic hierarchy through the legislative collaboration with the governing party legislators.

Recapitulation of cancer stem cell niches in glioblastoma on 3D microfluidic cell culture devices under gravity-driven perfusion

Han, Jeonghun,Oh, Seunghan,Hoang, Hong-Hoa,Nguyen, Dao Thi Thuy,Lim, Wanyoung,Shin, Tae Hwan,Lee, Gwang,Park, Sungsu THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF INDUSTRIAL AND ENGINEERING 2018 JOURNAL OF INDUSTRIAL AND ENGINEERING CHEMISTRY -S Vol.62 No.-

<P><B>Abstract</B></P> <P>The low survival rate of patients with glioblastoma is in part due to the heterogeneity in the cell population of glioblastoma that includes cancer stem cells (CSCs). CSC niches include a hypoxic core that is also closely linked to self-renewal ability, migration, and drug resistance. Here, we report a CSC culture method in three-dimensional microfluidic cell culture devices under gravity-driven perfusion, which we dub hypoxia chips (H-chips). In H-chips, glioblastoma cells, U87, spontaneously formed spheroids within 12h, even without any addition of growth factors. Compared to monolayer-cultured cells in dishes, spheroids in H-chips showed higher expression of CSC markers, such as hypoxia-inducible factor-1α (HIF-1α), CD133, and nestin. Spheroids in H-chips were more resistant to doxorubicin than monolayer-cultured ones in dishes. Transcriptional profiling revealed that the expression of interleukin-6 (IL-6), one of the inflammatory cytokines, was higher in spheroids in H-chips than in monolayer-cultured cells in dishes. IL-6 depleted cells failed to form spheroids in H-chips, and their drug resistance decreased. These results suggest that in H-chips, glioblastoma cells increased the production of IL-6, and promoted spheroid formation and other cancer stem cell properties, such as drug resistance. Our microfluidic cell culture method is highly useful for recapitulating CSC niches.</P>

[Free Paper] Effect of Berberine on p53 Expression by TPA in Breast Cancer Cells

Jeonghun Han,Sangmin Kim,Nam-Young Kim,Se Kyung Lee,Min-Young Choi,Jeonghui Lee,Jiyoung Kim,Seungpil Jung,Jee Soo Kim,Jung-Han Kim,Jun-Ho Choe,Jeong Eon Lee,Seok Jin Nam 대한외과학회 2011 대한외과학회 학술대회 초록집 Vol.2011 No.11

유튜브 정치채널 시청의 결정요인과 표본선택편향

한정훈(Han, JeongHun) 한국정치학회 2021 한국정치학회보 Vol.55 No.5

본 연구는 유튜브 정치채널을 시청하는 이유를 규명하고자 하였다. 또한 유튜브 정치채널 시청여부의 결정은 표본선택편향의 문제를 유의하면서 분석할 필요성을 주장하고자 하였다. 이는 소셜미디어 이용행태에 관한 다양한 분석이 이루어지고 있음에도 불구하고 상대적으로 유튜브를 통한 정치정보 획득에 대한 연구가 빈약한 한계를 극복하고자 한 것이다. 선택프로빗모형을 통해 분석한 결과는 유튜브 이용 및 유튜브 정치채널 시청 사이에는 밀접한 연관성이 존재한다는 점을 보여주었다. 또한 정치관심도, 기성 미디어의 뉴스 신뢰도, 웹정보를 타인과의 소통에 활용하는 수준 등이 유튜브 정치채널 시청에 영향을 미치는 주요 요인임을 밝혔다. 반면, 연령은 유튜브 이용과는 무관하였으나 유튜브 정치채널은 나이가 들수록 시청확률이 높았다. 흥미롭게도 학력이 높을수록 유튜브는 물론 유튜브 정치채널을 시청하지 않는 경향이 강했다. 이러한 결과는 실질적인 채널수를 추정하기 어려울 정도로 다양한 정치채널 각각의 성격을 규명하기 어려운 현실 아래서 정치정보의 소비자에만 초점을 맞추고 있다는 한계에도 불구하고, 소셜미디어 이용행태와 관련된 기존의 다양한 논의를 유튜브 이용행태로 확대하는데 기여할 것이다. This article analyzes the users of YouTube political news channels. In addition, it claims that the analysis of social media users should avoid the sample selection bias. In so doing, it addresses the lack of research on YouTube users and the problems of biased estimation often produced by existing literature. Results from the analysis of a probit model with sample selection show that the choice of YouTube use is closely related to the choice of the use of YouTube political channels. Also, users’ age, political interests and the level of communications with the information acquired by online media have positive influence on the use of YouTube political news channels. Meanwhile, well educated users with strong trust on traditional news media are less likely to choose YouTube political channels. These findings, although they are produced by focusing on consumers’ aspects without considering the providers’ aspects, may extend existing discussion over the behaviour of social media users.

고려시대 강진지역 교통입지와 청자 유통

한정훈(Han, Jeonghun) 연세대학교 강진다산실학연구원 2016 다산과현대 Vol.9 No.-

The study examined land and water transportation networks in Gangjin area and transportation of Gangjin celadon porcelain through the transportation networks. Land and water transportation networks in Gangjin area were blocked by ‘MyeongRyangHang(鳴梁項)’ which is tough place in the sea and mountain areas in Wolchool(月出) mountain. So for sea route, besides Tamjin(耽津) and Mipo (彌浦) in Gangjin bay, Jodongpo(潮東浦) in Yeongam was actively used as an alternative harbor to avoid MyeongRyangHang(鳴梁項). In existing studies, it was understood that nearby Jangheungchang(長興倉) warehouse, one of Jochang(漕倉) is a main transit for transportation of Gangjin celadon porcelain and transportation activity actively used personal and physical basis of Jochang warehouse. But in the aspect of transportation history, it was identified that ship for Gangjin celadon porcelain for tribute started at Jochang warehouse and maybe could start in Mipo(彌浦) near Daeguso(大口所) as well. For Gangjin celadon porcelain, characteristic of celadon porcelain and transportation volume became main elements to decide departure place. Like Taean ship(태안선), large cargo of celadon porcelain preferred Mipo though burden to pass through MyeongRyangHang. Like Mado ship No.1(마도1호선), small cargo of celadon porcelain started in Jodongpo in Yeongam over uphill pass. Thus, at the Daeguso(大口所) which was the largest producer of celadon porcelain in Goryeo, using work force of Bugokmin(部曲民), Gangjin celadon porcelain was transported at not only Jochang warehouse but also Mipo. This is a unique characteristic of Gangjin Daeguso(大口所) different from Buan area which is another production place of celadon porcelain.

유럽연합의 탄소국경조정제도 도입 논의와 유럽의회 내 정치적 갈등

한정훈(JeongHun Han) 한국유럽학회 2021 유럽연구 Vol.39 No.4

본 연구는 탄소국경조정제도 도입을 두고 유럽연합이 겪고 있는 정치적 갈등을 분석한다. 특히 탄소국경조정제도 도입 안건을 두고 이루어진 유럽의회 의원들의 논의 및 표결에 초점을 맞춰 회원국 수준의 갈등과 초국가적 수준의 갈등 구조 및 특징을 규명하고자 한다. 유럽의회가 자체적인 결의안을 마련하는 과정에서 진행한 일련의 표결기록을 분석한 결과는 다음의 세 가지 흥미로운 사실을 보여준다. 첫째, 탄소국경조정제도 도입에 대한 유럽연합 회원국들의 합의 수준은 매우 높다는 것이다. 둘째, 탄소국경조정제도 도입과정은 초국가적 수준의 좌/우 이념진영 간 대립이 지배하고 있다는 점이다. 셋째, 탄소국경조정제도의 정책적 방향성을 결정하는 과정에서 혁신유럽연합(Renew)이 중추적 역할을 관찰된다는 점이다. 이러한 결과는 집행위원회가 발의한 탄소국경조정제도의 실질적인 사회, 경제적 효과에 대한 예측과 한국 사회가 정책적 대응방안을 모색하는데 함의하는 바가 클 것이다. This article investigates political competitions in the EU over the establishment of Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). In particular, it aims to identify the dominant features of both intergovernmental competitions and supranational competitions by analyzing the debates and voting behavior inside the EP with the issue of CBAM. The analysis of voting records over a series of amendment produces three interesting findings. First, there is a strong agreement between member states with the establishment of the CBAM in the EU. Second, preferences among the members of the EP on the issue of the CABM are dominantly divided along the supranational ideological confrontation. Third, the Renew Group inside the EP performs a pivotal role in determining the institutional direction of the CBAM. These findings may contribute to developing a proper expectation on the potential impact of the CBAM on international society and economy and providing a firm basis for the appropriate preparation in Korean society.

유럽통합에 대한 프랑스 유권자와 지지정당 간 선호의 격차

한정훈(JeongHun HAN) 한국국제정치학회 2016 國際政治論叢 Vol.56 No.4