정치조직과 정치과정

이진복(Jeen Bock Rhee) 건국대학교 동화와번역연구소(구 건국대학교 중원인문연구소) 1989 동화와 번역 Vol.8 No.-

韓國의 安保와 民權政策에 관한 硏究

李振馥(Rhee Jeen-Bock) 한국정치학회 1986 한국정치학회보 Vol.20 No.1

安保와 人權(民權)의 關係는 規範的이며 論理的인 면에서 人權 내지 民權이 優位라고 할 수 있을 것이다. 다만 個人的 次元에서의 人權은 集合的이며 國民的 次元에서 民權으로 볼 수 있으며, 國家安保라는 關係면에서 볼 때 安保와 民權은 不可分의 關係를 갖는다고 하겠다. 이에 本論文은 韓國의 경우 安保와 民權關係에 있어서 그 優劣關係와 對立 및 補完關係가 어떠한 가를 安保와 民權政策을 통해 分析하고자 하였다. 硏究의 對象과 範圍는 制憲國會로부터 第11代國會까지 제출된 法律案 4242件中에서 選定된 安保法律案 281件과 民權法律案 191件으로 하였다. 이는 구체적으로 歷代國會의 安保와 民權關係 常任分科委員會와 關係委員會에서 제출되거나 審査 및 議決된 法律案으로서 提案理由와 目的에 의한 것이다. 政策過程의 諸變數는 狀況, 政治ㆍ行政體制 및 主導者등으로 區分하였다. 또한 政策過程은 일반적으로 形成過程, 決定過程, 執行過程 및 評價過程으로 구성된 것으로 볼 수 있으나 本論文은 決定過程, 執行過程 및 還流에 촛점을 맞추었다. 安保와 民權法律案 472件의 決定過程 즉 立法過程, 執行過程 및 還流를 中心으로 韓國의 安保와 民權政策을 살펴보았을때 人權 및 民權을 위해 安保는 현실적으로 필요하나 安保를 빙자하거나 구실삼은 人權 및 民權의 侵害는 韓國政治ㆍ行政發展에 저해가 되었다고 할것이다.

위기 상황에서의 정보은폐에 관한 한,일 비교연구

전영상(Young Sang Jun),이진복(Jeen Bock Rhee) 한국아시아학회 2012 아시아연구 Vol.15 No.2

이 연구는 일본의 후쿠시마 원전 사고와 한국의 고리 원전 사고를 사례로 위기 커뮤니케이션의 정보은폐 상황을 비교한 연구이다. 위기 커뮤니케이션의 영향요인으로 우선시 되는 이념과 가치, 조직구조의 유연성과 경직성, 외부공중에 대한 개방성과 폐쇄성, 의사결정자의 성향과 의지, 원자력산업의 사회·경제적구조를 선정하여 사례를 분석하였다. 분석결과, 경제우선주의, 조직구조의 경직성, 외부공중에 대한 폐쇄성, 의사결정자들의 정보은폐 성향, 원자력산업의 독점구조 등의 문제가 한국과 일본에서 유사하게 나타났다. 이러한 문제점을 극복하기 위해 조직의 유연화와 통합 네트워크화, 적극적인 주민참여와 지역사회와의 동반자적 관계의 형성, 인사의 공정성 확보와 안전우선의식 함양, 경쟁공기업화 등의 정책을 제시하였다. This paper is the comparative case study of the information hiding on the Crisis communication situation of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster in Japan and the Gori nuclear power station accident in Korea. Influence factors of the crisis communication are set as the following: 1) the safety or the economic efficiency of the oriented value, 2) the flexibility or the spasticity of the organizational structure, 3) the openness or the closeness between the organization and the public, 4) decision-makers` the propensity and the intention of the opening to the public, 5) the socio-economic structure of the nuclear power industry. And the cases are analyzed by these influence factors. According to the results of the analysis, the characteristics of these influence factors of the Korea case are similar to those of the Japan case. The results are as follows: 1) the economic efficiency-first-principle, 2) the spasticity of the organizational structure, 3) the closeness between the organization and the public, the tendency of the information hiding of decision-makers, 4) the monopoly structure of nuclear power industry. In order to overcome these obstacles, the following are proposed: 1) making flexible and integrated network of the organization, 2) the active citizen participation and the formation of the partnership with local community, 3) the establishment of the fairness of personnel appointments and the cultivation of safety-first-consciousness, 4) the conversion into the competitive public enterprise.

韓國立法府의 行政統制의 限界에 關한 硏究 : 重石弗事件에 따른 國務院 不信任 決議案의 事例

李振馥 건국대학교 1984 論文集 Vol.19 No.1

Ⅰ. Introduction The executive power has been strengthened even the extent to which it invades the legislative roles in recent years. This emphasizes on the administrative responsibility and legislative control on the excutive. Ⅱ. Legislative Control over the Executive. The legislative power and functions in mass democracy are different from them in modern democracy. This doesnt' mean the denial of democracy hut the self-preservation of democracy. So the executive should be responsible for his actions and effectively be controlled by legislative. Ⅲ. The Background and Contents of lung-Suck BUL (Dollars from exhorted Tungsten) Affair Rhee regime, in order to survive his power, founded the Liberty Party (Ja-Yoo Dang) and passed the selected amendment bill to Constitution under declaring martial law in 1952. Furthermore, Rhee regime transfered to some trading companys rung-Suck BUL and granted them the privilege to import cereals and fertilizer. This fact shoved that Jung-Suck BUL affair resulted from the process of assuring the political funds to found the Liberty party and to reelect Rhee president. The lung-Suck BUL affair had a serious influence on the general public and caused social disorder. Ⅳ. The Deliberative Process of the National Assembly about Non-Confidence Resolution to the Government (Cabinet) The National Assembly proposed non-confidence resolution to government, for the illegal actions and failure of the government raised the Jung-Suck BUL affair. But this resolution was rejected by 35 to 128. Eventually, the National Assembly played a role only as a maid of the Executive Ⅴ. Conclusion The great financial affair and the failure of the government as the Jung-Suck BUL affair will often occur in the developing countries. Particularly, this affair happens when new-regime comes to power by the physical power.

違憲的 緊急措置에 대한 議會統制의 限界에 關한 硏究 : 2.14 緊急通貨 措置 承認案의 事例

李振馥 건국대학교 1985 論文集 Vol.20 No.1

Ⅰ. Introduction The executive power has been strengthened even the extent to which it invades the legislative roles in recent years. This empharizes on the administrative responsibility and legislative control on the executive. Ⅱ. Legislative Control over the Executive The legislative power and functions in mass democracy are different from them in modern democracy. This doesn't mean the denial of democracy but the self-preservation of democracy. So the executive should be responsible for his actions and effectively be controlled by legislative. Ⅲ. The Background and Contents of 2.14 Monetary Emergency Order. Rhee regime, in order to survive his polder, founded the Liberty Party (Ja-Yoo Dang) and passed the selected amendment bill to constitution declaring martial law in 1952 (5.26 political upheaval). Furthermore, Rhee regime transfered to some trading Companys Jung-Suck Bul (Doillars from exported Tungsten) and granted them the privilege to import cereals and bertilizer. Jung-Suck Bul affair resulted from the process of assuring the political funds to found the Liberty party and reelect Rhee president. So an amount of foreign exchange holding was exhausted and the aggravation of inflation was deepened through 5.26 political upheaval and 8.5 presidential election. 2.14 monetary emergency order was measured to surmount this economical crisis. But 2.14 Monetary Emergency order had a serious influence on the general public and caused social order. Ⅳ. The Deliberative Process of the National Assembly about 2.14 Monetary Emergency Order. The recognition of the 2.14 Monetary Emergency Order(2. 14 monetary reform) was presented on Feb. 17th in 1953. The 2.14 Monetary Reform was the Violation of the Constitution in respect that it had measured during the Assembly session. But the National Assembly passed this order by 113 to 42. Eventually, the National Assembly recognized the unconstitutional measure and played a role only as a maid of the executive. This fact showed that the deliberative process of the National Assembly had tended to be poor because of the non-establishment of the political process. Ⅴ. Conclusion 2. 14 Monetary Emergency Order was measured to surmount the economical crisis as a result of Jung-Suck Bul and the aftermaths of 8.5 Election. But it was the unconstitutional order. A series of these great financial affairs and the failure of the government will often occur in the developing countries. Particularly, this affair happens when new-regime comes to power by the physical power.

社會變動에 관한 理論的 考察

李振馥 건국대학교 1982 論文集 Vol.14 No.1

This thesis is considered social change theories on the side of epitemology. There are generally three social change models : evolutional, functional, and conflict theory. 1.Evolutional model; The concept of development is often implicitly and perhaps intentionally normative. It also tends to suggest a single, final state of affairs-a deterministic, unilinear theory of social evolution. 2.Functional model; In this theory, it is assumed the systematic survial and equilibrium in society. So this theory is inappropriate to explain the social change and development. 3.Conflict model; There are always various conflicts in society. And those conflicts regarded as the affirmative factors of social change and development. Finally, it is considered the fourth dimentional time-space model, upon which the dynamics of time is emphasized in the interrelationships of the generality and the speciality. It is asserted that the accelerators for the political development are the political leadership, the vitality of political process, the identification with the political system, and the administrative efficiency.

政策論의 東洋學的 認識方法의 사례 : 皇極易의 구성과 활용을 중심으로

이진복 건국대학교 사회정책연구소 2003 사회과학연구 Vol.16 No.-

모바일 전자정부(m정부)의 구현 방안에 관한 연구

이진복,박순용 건국대학교 사회정책연구소 2003 사회과학연구 Vol.16 No.-

地方自治制實施에 대한 住民들의 意識調査硏究 : 충주시와 중원군을 중심으로

李振馥 建國大學校附設 社會政策硏究所 1991 사회과학연구 Vol.1 No.-

政治組織과 政治過程

李振馥 건국대학교 부설 중원인문연구소 1989 論文集 Vol.8 No.-

Politics is actual but variable. Given certains national aspirations, we can say that a given degree of secularization is necessary to make politics truely the "art of possible," System theory usually divides interactions between a system and its invironment into three phase: inputs, conversion, and outputs. When we say that inputs of demands and supports enter the political system from environment, political process functions inputs in a restricted meaning. G.A. Almond says input functions are as follow: political socialization and recruitment, interest articulation, interest aggregation, and political communication. As a result of the Thirteenth general election, Korean people takes the pattern of the Four Parties System in distribution of a parliamentary seat. While the Four Parties System will have been continued, we can't say that any party will be able to take charge of a political power by oneself. In restropect, the vitality of political process in the elementary factor in the development of korean politics. As the political organizations contribute to the vitality of political process. We can validate the fact that the sovereignty rests with the people in Korea. For that reason, we should study the roles of political organizations in political process in profound to accomodate themselves to circumstances.