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이광일,양승한 한국정밀공학회 2013 International Journal of Precision Engineering and Vol.14 No.2
In this study, we propose a robust and simple method using double ball-bar to measure position-independent geometric errors of a rotary axis involving single axis control during the measurement. The standard uncertainty for the proposed method is analyzed to quantify the confidence interval of the measurement result. Two measurement paths are planned to measure the position-independent geometric errors, including two offset errors and two squareness errors of a rotary axis. An error synthesis model using homogenous transform matrices and a ball-bar equation to represent the relation between the positions of two balls and the measured distance between them are used. Set-up errors, which are inevitable during the installation of the balls, are modeled as constants and added to the design position of the balls. Their effects on the measurement result are investigated in detail. Furthermore, a novel fixture consisting of flexure-hinges located at the tool nose is developed to minimize the set-up errors of the ball and to robustly keep the position of the ball during measurements. Finally, the proposed method is validated using simulation and is applied to the rotary axis located on a five-axis machine tool.
지구화시대 한국의 진보운동과 5?18민중항쟁의 현재적 재구성
이광일 전남대학교 5.18연구소 2005 민주주의와 인권 Vol.5 No.2
This study aims to reconstruct today's meaning of 5‧18minjung-protest in the age of globalization in relation to present radical movement in Korea. As liberalist compromised with the neo-military coup group(shingunbu), the progressive meaning of 5‧18Minjung-protest was reduced to conservative and minimal democracy. Reconstructing the meaning of 5‧18Minjung-protest as progressive one, I suggest, could be proceeded by radical movement trying to overcome the existing socio-political relations. First of all, unequal development of capitalism conditioned arising of 5‧18Minjung-protest fundamentally. Today, capitalist social relations are embodied in neo-liberalism. Therefore anti-capitalistic tendency of 5‧18Minjung-protest should be reconstructed as a anti neo-liberalism. Secondly, 5‧18Minjung-protest was a uprising for democracy against neo-military fascist. The present state of democracy in Korea, so called creeping democracy, is subjected to the influence of monopoly capital and 'neo-liberal competitive state' and has been falling into a crisis. Therefore radical movement should strengthen its hegemony to save, deepen democracy in crisis against them. Thirdly, civil participation and solidarity was an important point that made 5‧18Minjung-protest possible. In confrontation of global neo-liberalism today, radical movement should strengthen the level of solidarity in nation-state and the globe. Lastly, 5‧18Minjung-protest was a uprising by the minority, Kwangju, Honam in Korean society. Radical movement trying to overcome repression and differentiation in existing social relations should struggle for social and political rights of the minority, contingent workers, migrant workers, the handicapped, etc. As radical movement realizes these goals in the age of globalization, progressive meanings of 5‧18minjung-protest could be reconstructed.
이광일 대한치과위생학회 2016 대한치과위생학회지 Vol.18 No.1
The purpose of this study was to provide useful information on the harmfulness of smoking in adolescence and how to motivate adolescents to stay away from smoking. The 2010 and 2012 National Health & Nutrition Examination Survey data were used to analyze the impact of the time for starting smoking on the occurrence of periodontal diseases in adults aged 20 and up in Korea. 1. As for the start time for smoking by sociodemographic characteristics, there were significant differences in that regard according to residential area, gender, age, academic credential and income. Concerning the formation of periodontal pocket by sociodemographic characteristics, there were significant differences according to residential area, gender, age and academic credential. 2. In relation to the time for starting smoking by health status, there were significant differences according to hypertension and alcohol disorder. But diabetes showed no statistically significant differences to that. Regarding the formation of periodontal pocket by health status, statistically significant differences were found according to the severity of diabetes, hypertension and alcohol disorder. 3. As to the formation of periodontal pocket by smoking, only the frequency of smoking showed differences to that, and no differences were found according to the duration of smoking and the start time for smoking. 4. The respondents who were rural residents, who were male, who were older and who had more dental caries have the higher risk of periodontal pocket formation. The start time for smoking didn't affect the formation of periodontal pocket, but this finding didn't seem to suggest there would be no possibility that it might exercise a secondhand influence on the formation of periodontal pocket by impacting on oral hygiene and smoking behavior.
이광일 전남대학교 5.18연구소 2004 민주주의와 인권 Vol.4 No.2
This essay intends to reassess the process of liquidation of 5‧18minjung-protest and to reconstruct the meaning of it as of today. At 1980, there existed two tendencies in the process of 5‧18minjung-protest. One tried to accomplish the minimal democracy, meanwhile, the other tried to go beyond it. Then, the former constructed ‘compromising part’ and the latter did ‘contending part’ against ‘the younger military coup group[shingunbu]’. Fundamentally, ‘the historical liquidation’ is conditioned by the existing socio-economic and political relations. In this point of view, it could be understood the reason that the truth of 5‧18minjung-protest haven’t been uncovered. The June Protest in 1987 was resulted as the compromise between the liberalist and the military coup group, confronted with the political crisis in 1987, so called ‘6‧29 Pact’. As a result, June Protest couldn’t go beyond ‘the limited democracy’. In this way, the liquidation of 5‧18 was also limited to the dimension of minimal democracy. This process of liquidation has two meanings. It means that ‘compromising part(liberal movement)’, aimed at ‘minimal democracy’, was became a reality. And means that ‘contending part(radical movement)’, tried to go beyond ‘minimal democracy’, was excluded out. Therefore, the progressive meanings of 5‧18minjung-protest could be reconstructed and realized, just when we overcome the existing conservative socio-political relations in the neo-liberalist ages.
Chitosan 및 Chitosan 유도체를 이용한 중금속 이온 흡착에 관한 연구
이광일,곽천근,장병만,김영주,박태홍,노승일,이기창 ( Kwang Ill Lee,Chun Geun Kwak,Young Ju Kim,Tae Hong Park,Seung IlI Roh,Ki Chang Lee ) 한국유화학회 1996 한국응용과학기술학회지 Vol.13 No.3
We have synthesized the water-insoluble chitosan derivative, N-dithiocarboxy chitosan sodium salt, through the reaction of chitosan with carbon disulfide in the presence of alkali metal hydroxide, Chitosan itselt has been prepared using chitin, one of the most abundant compounds in nature, as a starting material. To elucidate this natural polymer the capacity of adsorbing heavy metal ions, we have performed adsorption experiments using chitosan derivatives of various average molecular weights with different contents of sulfur. The effect of pH, adsorption time and temperature on adsorption efficiency was also studied. The adsorbent derived from chitosan of average molecular weight ranging 5,700~20,000 was shown to have the highest capacity of adsorbing heavy metal ions. Adsorbing efficiency was increased as the reaction time was increased and as the reaction temperature range of 25~45℃. The adsorption capacity at various pH, however, appeared to vary depending on the heavy metal ions studied,