신라의 영토의식과 삼한일통의식

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeongjin) 역사비평사 2019 역사비평 Vol.- No.126

Critically examined in this article is the previous belief that regarded the “Three Hans were one” notion of Shilla was an ideology that fueled and drove the unification war in the 7th century. Also, reiterated hare are certain points of a theory which argued that such notion only emerged in the 9th century. Shilla maintained a stance that the southern region of Pyeong’yang had been part of the Baekje territory, based upon Baekje’s own perception of its own territory. So, in terms of changes in geographic territories, the war that went on during the 7th century was technically not a war aiming for unification, but a war to claim the territory of Baekje. It should be noted that the Monument of Cheongju Uncheon-dong(청주운천동사적비), which has been cited as the main evidence for the theory that argued the above-mentioned notion was the product of the 7th century, was in fact erected during the Goryeo period. And historical records such as those containing the posthumous title of Taejong(太宗), and Kim Yu-shin(金庾信)’s presentation of his own thoughts, are all records reflecting the memories and viewpoints of later periods. The said notion was actually formed later as a counter-ideology for the crisis created by the insurrection of Kim Heon-chang in the 9th century as well as subsequent division of the country. This notion was reinvited when the Korean peninsula was again divided to feature the so-called Later Three kingdoms, and was finally established as a firm state philosophy for Goryeo, which was able to reunited the peninsula.

고려 현종말∼문종초 北界 州鎭 설치와 長城 축조

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong-jin) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2011 군사 Vol.- No.79

In this article, how the Grand Fortress(長城) was created in the Bukgye region of the Goryeo in its early days, what was the background of such foundation, and what regions the fortress actually passed through, will be examined. Also some parts of the known history of certain Jujin (州鎭) regions related to the Grand Fortress, will be rectified as well. At the end of King Hyeonjong"s reign, the Goryeo Government established some new Jujin units in a concentrated fashion at the border region, in response to the Khitan threat and certain fluctuations that were happening. Also, existing Jujin units were reinforced, and thus a defense line along the Yalu River was established. The Grand Fortress was created based upon this defense line in the early days of King Deokjong"s reign. It covered the region between areas like Inju(麟州) at the mouth of the Yalu River, and Sakju(朔州). In the early days of King Jeongjong(靖宗)"s reign, additional sections were added to the fortress in its eastern end, and as a result the Jujin units which had been established with a distance from the fortress were connected to it as well. The Fortress" new east end was Cheongsae-jin(淸塞鎭). Later, more Jujin units were established between the Bukgye and Donggye regions (the Northern and Eastern Realms) and the Fortress grew even longer. We can see thatthe Bukgye Grand Fortress was created throughout three different time periods. Yeongsak-jin(寧朔鎭), which was recorded as a region the Fortress passed through, was only added in later periods(追記), and it is highly possible that the Fortress did not pass through areas like Ansu-jin(安水鎭) and Maengju(孟州). They should have been replacedby Yeonju(延州) and Changju(昌州).

고려 군현제 (郡縣制)의 운영원리와 주현 (主縣) - 속현 (屬縣) 영속관계의 성격

윤경진(Kyeong Jin Yoon) 한국중세사학회 2001 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.10

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7세기 초 신라 당항성(党項城)의 위치 재론(再論) - ‘당성(唐城)’설 비판과 ‘한강(漢江)’설 제기 -

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong Jin) 역사실학회 2021 역사와실학 Vol.76 No.-

이 연구는 7세기 초 신라의 사행로였던 당항성(党項城)을 당성(唐城:현 화성시)으로 비정하던 그동안의 통설이 명확한 실증적 근거를 갖추지 못했음을 지적하고, 대중국 사행로의 역사성과 지명에 나타난 지형적 특성 등을 통해 현 한강 삼전도 지역에 새롭게 비정한 것이다. 당항성의 ‘당(党)’은 지형의 속성을 반영한 것이고 당성의 ‘당(唐)’은 당나라를 가리키는 것으로서 맥락이 다르다. 신라후기에 사용된 당은포가 삼국시기에도 사용되었다고 볼 근거가 없다. 의상(義湘)이 유학을 위해 당주(唐州)에서 배를 타려다가 실패한 사적은 신라후기 이후의 내용이 투영된 것으로서 실제로는 육로로 고구려를 경유하여 갔다. 당항진(党項津)은 당항성과 같은 지역으로, 포구와 나루를 겸한 특성에서 그 위치는 한강으로 파악된다. 역대 왕조는 강에 인접하며 이곳에는 조운과 사행을 위한 포구가 마련되었다. 고려의 전포(錢浦) 내지 벽란도(碧瀾渡), 고구려의 남포(南浦)가 대표적이다. 한성 백제도 왕성 인근에 포구를 가지고 있었을 것인데, 한성을 점령한 신라가 이를 그대로 활용한 것이 바로 당항진이다. 이곳은 조선시기 삼전도 일원으로 파악되는데, 인근의 학여울[鶴灘]은 형태적 특징에서 ‘닭의 목’에서 유래한 당항과 상통하여 이러한 이해를 뒷받침한다. This study points out that the conventional wisdom considering Danghang castle which was the road used by envoys of Silla in the early 7th century as Dangseong(currently Hwaseong city) doesn"t have clear and empirical basis. And it also newly defines Danghang castle as area of current Han river Samjeondo by utilizing the historical characteristics of the road toward China which was used by envoys, and the topographical characteristics in the name of palaces. . "Dang(党)" of Danghang Castle reflected the properties of the terrain. On the other hand, "Dang(唐)" of Dangseong means Tang dynasty. Therefore, the two are in different contexts. There is no basis to say that Dangunpo which was used in the late period of united Silla, was also used during the Three kingdoms period. There was a historical record that Uisang(義湘) tried to take a boat in Dangju(唐州) for studying abroad but he failed. However, in fact, he used land route that passed through Goguryeo. The historical record projected contents after the late Silla period. Danghangjin(党項津) seems to be the same area as Danghang castle, and was a place that combined a port and a ferry. The location is figured out as the Han river. All-time Korean dynasties were adjacent to the river, where ports for envoys and tax transportation were set up here. Jeonpo(錢浦) and Byeokrando of Goryeo and Nampo(南浦) of Goguryeo are typical examples. Hanseong Baekjae also had ports near the capital. It was Danghangjin that Silla used as it stood after Silla occupied Hanseong. This place was figured out as Samjeondo(三田渡) area of Joseon period. The fact that Hangnyeoul[鶴灘] nearby this place is in line with Danghang in terms of its morphological characteristics supports this understanding.

羅唐戰爭 終戰期 전황의 새로운 이해

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong-Jin) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2017 군사 Vol.- No.104

The study of this article is the analysis on the several major battles fought between the troops of Shilla and Dang troops, based upon a new suggestion that the war itself was ended in the year of 675 with the battle at the Maecho-seong(買肖城) fortress. At the time, there were two types of battles: battles in which the Dang forces tried to obtain coastal areas for future skirmishes, and battles which were fought along Shilla’s northern borders. Battles at Chiljung-seong(七重城), Maesocheon-seong(買蘇川城), Cheon-seong(泉城) and Seokhyeon-seong(石峴城) fortresses seem to have belonged to the former type, while battles at Adal-seong(阿達城), Jeokmok-seong(赤木城) and Dorim-seong(道臨城) fortresses could be categorized as cases of the latter. In the meantime, the story of the Gibeol-po (伎伐浦) battle seems to have been established as a composite, concocted from the tale of the Wungjin Dodok-bu(熊津都督府) dismantlement, as well as the story of Dang general Seol In-gwi(薛仁貴).

초등학교 영어교육에서 파닉스 지도에 관한 교사 인식 조사와 개선 방향

윤경진(Yoon, KyoungJin),이재근(Lee, Jaekeun) 학습자중심교과교육학회 2017 학습자중심교과교육연구 Vol.17 No.9

본 연구의 목적은 초등학교에서 영어 파닉스(phonics) 지도에 관한 교사의 인식도 조사를 통해 파닉스 지도를 개선하는 방향을 제시하고, 효율적인 읽기 지도방법을 마련하는 것이다. 이를 해결하기 위한 방법으로 교사 설문조사와 교과서를 분석하 였다. 설문조사(2016.9.1-11.31)를 분석한 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 초등 영어 교과서 상의 파닉스 비중을 늘려야 한다 . 둘째, 상당수의 교사들이 파닉스를 지도할 때 교과서의 내용을 보충하거나 재구성한다는 응답은 초등 영어 교과서의 파닉스 내용의 재정비가 필요하다는 것을 시사한다. 셋째, 초등영어 교과서의 파닉스 지도를 위한 교수·학습 모형을 구안, 보급할 필요가 있다. 이를 바탕으로 한 제언은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 실제 현장 초등 영어수업에서 사용할 수 있는 교재에 대한 연구가 필요하다. 둘째, 파닉스 수업 시수증대를 위한 영어 및 타교과와의 연계방안 연구가 필요하다. 셋째, 학년군별에 맞는 파닉스 교수학습모형이 필요하다. The purpose of this study is to analyze the survey of elementary English teacher s recognition on the phonics for improving phonics in elementary English education. The results of the survey of Elementary English teachers on the phonics and the analysis of the elementary English text books are as follows: First, we should place greater importance on the phonics. Second, the greater part of teachers answer-they need supplement or reconstruction on the teaching phonics-shows that elementary English textbooks should be reorganized on the phonics. Finally, the teaching-learning model for phonics teaching of elementary English textbooks should be designed and propagated.

고려중기 고구려계승의식의 변화와 ‘句高麗’

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong Jin) 역사실학회 2020 역사와실학 Vol.72 No.-

이 연구는 고려중기에 고구려를 가리키는 새로운 국호로 ‘句高麗’가 출현하는 배경과 의미에 대해 살펴본 것이다. 고려는 고구려와 자신을 일체로 인식했으며, 시간 선후에 따라 ‘前高麗’와 ‘後高麗’로 구분하였다. 이에 대해 ‘구고려’는 고구려계승의식을 유지하면서도 별개의 나라로 인식하는 변화를 반영한다. 이러한 변화가 나타난 가장 큰 이유는 고려의 영토가 압록강으로 제한된 것이다. 고려는 거란에 사대를 받아들이는 대신 압록강 동쪽 지역에 대한 권리를 인정받았다. 그런데 이것은 거란이 내려준다는 명분에 따른 것이었다. 이에 고려는 요동 중심의 고구려와 압록강 동쪽의 고려 자신을 구분하게 되었다. 그리고 고유 영토를 규정하는 역사적 준거로서 고구려 대신 箕子의 分封을 채용하였다. 또한 숙종 때 南京을 설치하면서 삼한일통의식이 강화되었다. 이전에는 고구려의 연장인 고려가 신라와 결합하여 삼한의 일통을 이루었다고 생각하였다. 그런데 이후 고구려는 고려의 출발을 표상할 뿐이며 삼한의 일통은 신라를 배제하고 온전히 고려에 의해 달성된 것으로 이해하였다. 이로 인해 고구려와 고려의 구분도 뚜렷해지게 되었다. This study takes a look at the background and meaning of the emergence of "Gugoryeo" as a new country name referring to Goguryeo during the middle period of the Goryeo dynasty. The Goryeo dynasty recognized itself as one with Goguryeo and depending on period, distinguished them into "Former Goryeo(前高麗)" and "Later Goryeo(後高麗)". In this regard, the word "Gugoryeo" reflects change of perception thinking Gogureyo as a separate country while maintaining its consciousness of succeeding Goguryeo. The biggest reason for this change was that Goryeo"s territory was limited to the Yalu river. In return for accepting submission to the Khitan, Goryeo was recognized its right to the east area of the Yalu river. However it was based on a pretext which Khitan gave. Because of it, Goryeo started to distinguish itself, east of the Yalu river, from Goguryeo, Liaodong-centered. And instead of Goguryeo, Goryeo utilized enfeoffment by Kija as a historical criteria defining its own territory. Also the "Three Hans were One" notion(三韓一統意識) was reinforced as Namgyeong(南京) was established in the period of King Sukjong. Previously, it was Goryeo"s thought that as Goryeo which was the extension of Goguyeo combined with Silla, Three Hans" unification was fulfilled. However, the thought changed into that Goguryeo represented just the beginning of Goryeo and Three Hans" unification was absolutely achieved by only Goryeo, excluding Silla. This also made the distinction between Goguryeo and Goryeo apparent.

2009 초등영어 교육과정에 대한 교사의 인식과 쟁점

윤경진 ( Kyoung Jin Yoon ),김동연 ( Dong Yeon Kim ),이재근 ( Jae Keun Lee ) 한국교원대학교 초등교육연구소 2014 초등교과교육연구 Vol.20 No.-

This study is on teachers`` recognition & issues of 2009 elementary English curriculum since it was applied during the first semester of 2014 school year. The study surveyed the applied problems of 2009 elementary English curriculum, understanding of grade band, correspondence of grade band and elementary education, recognition of the increasing or decreasing the number of class hours, the difficulties of the increasing or decreasing the number of class hours, recognition of leveled classes, the developmental method of expressive skills to the teachers. To manage the 2009 elementary English curriculum in elementary school successfully, we need to prepare both hardware-management and software-management. For these managements, there will be considered to accomplish management of subject-classrooms, usages of grade band textbooks, class organization based on the grade band, effective increasing or decreasing the number of class hours and agreement of school management for leveled classes based on individual difference. For more effective and successful results, both experimental schools are needed to perform the curriculum.

7세기 초 신라의 對隋 군사외교에 대한 재검토 : 圓光 乞師表의 사실성 검증을 중심으로

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong Jin) 동국역사문화연구소 2021 동국사학 Vol.71 No.-

이 논문은 圓光의 乞師表 사적이 후대에 가공된 것이며, 신라의 對隋 請兵 또한 실재하지 않았음을 확인한 것이다. 이는 걸사표를 출발점으로 하는 7세기 신라의 대중국 군사외교에 대한 전면적 재검토의 첫걸음이 된다. 신라의 대수 청병은 『隋書』에는 보이지 않으며, 당시 고구려와 신라의 관계도 청병을 필요로 하는 상황이 아니었다. 원광의 걸사표는 본래 그의 儒學 이해를 보여주기 위해 對唐 청병과 强首의 사적을 모티브로 가공한 것이며, 그의 활동 시기에 맞추어 對隋 청병으로 정리되었다. 그 원전인 신라의 『殊異傳』은 고려에서 金陟明, 朴寅亮 등에 의해 改作 내지 潤 文되었으며, 이 과정에서 불교 계율보다 국가를 우선하는 그의 답변 내용이 생성되어 추가되었다. 『삼국사기』는 백제의 청병 사적에 맞추어 청병과 수 양제의 허락을 608년과 611년에 나누어 넣었는데, 608년은 607년의 편집 오류로 파악된다. Confirmed in this article is the fact that the story of “Weon’ gwang(圓光)’s Geolsa-pyo(乞師表, the Appeal for a Military Relief)” is actually a false one, fabricated during later periods, and that Shilla never asked the Chinese Su(隋) dynasty for military troops and aid. This new confirmation requires us to reexamine the Shilla dynasty’s history of military diplomacy with the Chinese dynasties in the early 7th century, which has been believed to have initiated with Shilla’s said ask for a Chinese military relief. The supposed fact of Shilla asking the Su dynasty to dispatch military troops cannot be found from Suseo(隋書, The Official History of the Su Dynasty), and considering the relationship between Goguryeo and Shilla at the time, it does not seem likely that Shilla was in need of a foreign military aid. The story of Weon’gwang’s Geolsa-pyo appeal was apparently modeled after the story of Gang Su(强首) who had earlier asked troops from the Chinese Dang(唐) dynasty, and set during his lifetime, in an effort to emphasize Weon’gwang’s expertise in Confucianism. The original text, Shilla’s Su’i-jeon(殊異傳), was rewritten(or supplemented) by Kim Cheok-myeong(金陟明) and Park In-ryang(朴寅亮) during the Goryeo period, and in the process Weon’gwang’s “response” -of a nature prioritizing the state’s welfare than Buddhist teachings- was newly created, and added to the original text. Then, based on this fabricated story, Samguk Sagi documented Shilla’s supposed request for troops as well as Su Emperor Yangje’s authorization of dispatching them, in the entries(years) of 608 and 611 respectively, of which the former seems to be an error of 607.

知康州事 王逢規와 高麗 太祖 王建

윤경진(Yoon, Kyeong Jin) 역사실학회 2018 역사와실학 Vol.66 No.-

이 연구는 신라말 현 진주 지역에 기반을 둔 해상세력으로 이해되었던 王逢規가 실제로는 高麗 太祖 王建임을 논한 것이다. 이는 927년 왕봉규가 보낸 사신 林彦이 같은 해 고려에서 보낸 사신과 동일인이라는 데 기초한다. 그가 소속을 바꾸어 한 해에 두 차례 사신으로 간다는 것은 현실성이 없으므로 파견주체도 동일인으로 보아야 한다. 왕봉규의 직함인 泉州節度使와 知康州事는 自稱이 아니라 중국 왕조에서 수여한 것이며, 직함의 천주와 강주 또한 중국 지명이다. 당시 신라 강주의 상황은 왕봉규의 등장과 소멸을 뒷받침하지 않는다. 왕건은 독립적인 국왕이었지만 외교적으로 신라에 부속된 존재로 간주되었기 때문에 그의 사신은 신라 사신으로 간주되었다. 왕건이 즉위할 때 이름은 逢規였고, 이후 王氏를 칭하다가 後唐에 국왕 책봉을 요청하면서 王建으로 개명하였다. Pursued in this study is the possibility that a historical figure named Wang Bong-gyu(王逢規), a leader of a maritime faction with a base established in today’s Jinju area at the end of the Unified Shilla period, was actually Wang Geon(王建), the founder king of the Goryeo dynasty himself. This hypothesis is based upon the fact that emissary Im Eon(林彦), who was dispatched by Wang Bong-gyu in 927, was actually the same person who was dispatched by the Goryeo government the very same year. It would not have been possible for him to change sides in the course of a single year, and be dispatched in the same capacity twice in that year, so it would be more than natural to assume that he was only sent once, and also by a same entity. Wang Bong-gyu’s official titles, which were Magistrate of Cheonju(泉州節度使) and Prefect of Gangju(知康州事), were not named by himself arbitrarily but were officially bestowed from the Chinese government. Regions in the titles are also Chinese. There was in fact a Gangju area in Shilla (on the Korean peninsula) as well, but the situation of the Shilla Gangju area does not seem to correspond with the emergence of Wang Bong-gyu as well as his fall. Meanwhile, Wang Geon was the king of Goryeo, an independent country, but was also considered as part of Shilla (at least up until that point), so the emissary he sent to China was also considered and described as a ‘Shilla emissary’ by the Chinese. Wang Geon’s birth name seems to have been Bong-gyu(逢規) even at the time of his enthronement, and later after assuming the last name Wang(王氏) he finally changed his name to Wang Geon(王建) when he formally requested China’s(in this case Hu-Dang/後唐’s) recognition of his enthronement.